


.P405 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



DDDD17HS54H 











,ir^ ^ A • • • 



REPORT 



BOARD OF MANAGERS 






WITH AN 



L^^'* 



PHILADELPHIA : 
PRLNTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY THOMAS KITE, 

NO. G4 WALNUT STREET. 

1830. 






REPORT. 



OiV the 21st of October, 1829, a meeting of the citizens of 
/ Philadelphia, was held in the Hall of the Franklin Institute, for 
the purpose of considering the propriety of taking measures in 
aid of the American Colonization Society. 

Mr. Key, as the agent of the society, addressed the meeting, 
and stated, that the American G)lonization Society, in conse- 
quence of its great exertions for some years past, in maintaining 
the colony established on the coast of Africa, had become in- 
volved in pecuniary embarrassments, ,which prevented any fur- 
ther active operations, and rendered it impossible to send out 
any more emigrants to Africa for some time. This, it was 
feared, would have an injurious effect upon the colony, both in 
depriving it of the usual annual additions, and in leading the 
colonists to suppose that they were forgotten or neglected. A 
more direct inconvenience was, that the society would be un- 
able to provide for the transportation of a large number of 
slaves, whose liberty was promised on this condition. He said, 
that there were then more than six hundred slaves willing to 
go to Africa, and offered by their owners to the society on con- 
dition of their being sent to the colony. He then showed the 
efiect of the operations of the Colonization Society in promot- 
ing the cause of Abolition, and that this was the only mode in 
which the friends of Abolition could hope for much success. It 



(4) 

is well known that the laws of most, if not all the southern 
states, discourage the manumission of slaves, unless they are re- 
moved from the state, and that therefore those benevolent per- 
sons who may wish to. liberate their slaves, cannot do so unless 
they also procure their removal. Besides this, the condition of 
a slave suddenly emancipated, and thrown upon his own re- 
sources, is very far from being improved ; and, however laud- 
able the feeling which lefids to such emancipation, its policy 
and propriety are at least questionable. By providing a refuge 
for these unhappy beings, the society removes a great obstacle 
to their manumission, and directly promotes the cause of Aboli- 
tion. And, when it is considered, that the persons who thus of- 
fer to liberate their slaves, deprive themselves, by so doing, of 
a large portion of their property, they deserve every assistance 
in executing their benevolent intentions. That this is thte 
cheapest and most direct method of promoting Abolition, was 
evident, since the emancipation of thousands might be procur- 
ed for the mere expense of transporting them to Africa ; where- 
as, in the ordinary mode, it requires a large sum to liberate a 
single individual, whose liberty when attained, is, frequentlvi 
any thing but a blessing. 

Mr. Key concluded an eloquent address, by soliciting the aid 
of the citizens of Philadelphia for the American Colonization 
Society ; and the following resolutions were adopted : 

Resolved, That the views and purposes of the American Co- 
lonization Society, its arduous and successful labours in planting 
a prosperous colony of free people of colour on the shores of 
Africa, its influence in the southern states, by which a number 
of those who were born to slavery have been emancipated, and 
the assurances the society has received that a much greater 
number now in bondage will be made free when means are af- 
forded to transport them to the colony, entitle the society to the 
<:onfidence and support of the friends of the abolition of slavery. 



{ 5 ) 

Whereas, it appears to this meeting that several hundred 
persons, now held as slaves in the southern states, may be gra- 
tuitously liberated whenever the Colonization Society shall be 
able to send them to Africa, and that the emancipation of such 
slaves cannot be effected by any other arrangement — 

Therefore resolved, That this meeting earnestly recommend 
to the consideration of the citizens of Philadelphia, the expedi- 
ency and the duty of contributing to the liberation of the slaves 
referred to, and that the president and secretaries of this meet- 
ing, together with the managers of the Pennsylvania Coloniza- 
tion Society, be a committee to obtain subscriptions and contri- 
butions, and to place the funds so collected at the disposal of 
the American Colonization Society, on condition that they be 
applied exclusively to the outfit and transportation of slaves, 
who,- being willing to join the colony, can be liberated only with 
a view to their emigration. 

Immediately after the meeting, the committee published the 
following circular, addressed to the " Inhabitants of Pliiladel- 
phia." 

Fellow Citizens, — At a public meeting held in the Hall of 
the Franklin Institute, on the evening of the 21st instant, we 
were appointed to solicit aid to the funds of the American Co- 
lonization Society. 

The most powerful, and, we trust, the most effectual appeal 
which can be made to your philanthropy, is the highly interest- 
ing /ac/, that the owners of upwards of six hundred slaves, have 
generously offered to emanc^ate them, as soon as funds are 
provided for their transportsition, with their own consent, to 
the well-established, and prosperous colony of Liberia.* 

* This settlement is situated at the mouth of the Montserado river, and 
contains upwards of fifteen hundred inhabitants, who enjoy, and participate 
in the management of a free government. The soil is fertile, and the climate 



(6 ) 

It is therefore your privilege, to be instrumental, not only to 
secure the freedom of these degraded persons, but to preserve 
from bondage their offspring, throughout all future time ! 

Can a nobler purpose be commended to your beneficence ? 
Can a purer service be rendered tov^rards an abject portion of 
your fellow beings ? — We think not ; — and judging from your 
characteristic liberahty, we feel confident that you will assist in 
the accomplishment of this work of Justice, and of Mercy. 

In reference to the efforts of the American Colonization So- 
ciety, we would respectfully submit our opinion, that they have 
conferred distinguished benefits upon Africa herself; upon 
many of her descendants who have been restored from this 
country to her soil, and will continue to improve the condition 
of thousands of the coloured population, by elevating them to 
the enjoyment of the blessings of freemen in the land of their 
fathers. 

We humbly trust, and fully believe, if the society be amply 
sustained, it will ultimately put an end to the odious foreign 
traffic in human flesh, and contribute more effectually to pro- 
mote, and ensure the abolition of the institution of slavery in 
the United States, than any plan that has hitherto been devis- 
ed. 

Thus impressed, and convinced, we earnestly and affection- 
ately invite toward that association, the patronage of every 



congenial to their constitutions. The colonists have established relations of 
friendship and trade with the native chiefs, more than an hundred of whose 
children have been sent to Liberia, for instruction in the schools established 
there. 

The colonists themselves shipped last year upwards of seventy thousand 
dollars worth of produce. A respectable merchant in this city has two ves- 
sels engaged in the trade with Liberia, and it is understood that more exten- 
sive commercial connections will soon be formed between that port and this. 
In New England, at New York and Baltimore, capital is advantageously em- 
ployed in like enterprises with the colony and the adjacent part of the coast 



friend of tho African race, and implore for its success the espe- 
cial favour of Divine Providence. 

Wm. White, 
Roberts Vaux, 
B. W. Richards, 
Thomas C. James, 
J. K. Mitchell, 
George W. Blight, 
James Bayard, 
Elliott Cressow. 
Philadelphia, Oct. 22d, 1829. 

After the distribution of this circular, the committee con- 
tinued their attention to the object of their appointment ; and, 
in the month of March last, made the following report, which 
was printed in the different newspapers of the city. 

Report 

Of the committee appointed at the meeting held in the Hall of 
the Franklin Institute, on the 21st of October last, in behalf 
of the American Colonization Society. 

The committee report, that in pursuance of the resolution 
appointing them to obtain subscriptions and contributions in aid 
of the American Colonization Society — they proceeded to soli- 
cit subscriptions and donations, and have received the sum of 
$2,290; besides one subscription of $1000, and one of $300, 
each payable in ten annual instalments. 

They further report, that soon after they had commenced 
their collections, a communication was received by the Penn- 
sylvania Colonization Society, established in this city, from the 
American Colonization Society at Washington, stating that in 
consequence of the great exertions made by that society, their 
treasury was so much exhausted, that they could not, for some 
time, fit out another expedition to Africa ; and suggesting that 



(8) 

the Pennsylvania Society should undertake one with the funds 
which might be raised in this city. The proposition was ac- 
cepted by the Pennsylvania Society, and arrangements were 
immediately commenced for the contemplated expedition. 

The brig Liberia, a newly built vessel of this port, was en- 
gaged to go to Norfolk in Virginia, there to receive on board 
such liberated slaves as should be assembled by the Parent So- 
ciety, and sail thence on the 15th of January for the coast of 
Africa. 

The terms agreed upon, were $25 for each passenger over 
twelve years of age — 812 50 for those between twelve and 
two, and nothing for infants under two. Within the time stip- 
ulated, the brig proceeded to Norfolk, and having received on 
board the emigrants, sailed for the colony with fifty-eight pas- 
sengers, of whom forty-nine were Hberated slaves, for whose 
passage the treasurer of the Pennsylvania Society paid the 
stipulated prices, on receiving from the society at Washington, 
a list of their names and ages, together with the places from 
which they had come. These, it is hoped, have before this time, 
safely reached their adopted home on the coast of Africa. 
Within a few days after the sailing of the Liberia, there arriv- 
ed at Norfolk, after a toilsome journey of 600 miles over land 
on foot, a company of thirty enfranchised slaves, who had been 
liberated by a benevolent gentleman of Georgia, for the pur- 
pose of going to the colony — and had been expected to go in 
the Liberia ; but unfortunately were delayed till after the ves- 
sel had sailed — and they had been obhgcd to remain at Nor- 
folk, waiting another opportunity. 

Under these circumstances, the society at Washington being 
anxious to send these and other liberated slaves to the eo?Ony, 
but unable from the state of their funds, to do so at present, ex- 
pressed a desire that the managers of the Pennsylvania Society 
would provide for their transportation. This they have agreed 
to do, relying on the generosity of their fellow citizens to en- 
able them to accomplish the undertaking. They have engag- 



ed the brig Montgomery, to proceed from this port to Norfolk, 
where she is to take on board the emigrants, and proceed to 
the colony on the coast of Africa. The time fixed for sailing 
from Norfolk, is the 10th of April next, when it is expected that 
100 emigrants will be there ready to embark. 

For this purpose the committee placed all the money they 
have received, at the disposal of the Managers of the Pennsyl- 
vania Colonization Society. 

In making this disposition of funds collected by them, the 
committee felt themselves justified by the resolution under 
which they were appointed; and in submitting this report, they 
take the liberty of recommending this noble charity to the at- 
tention of their fellow citizens. That it is the best mode of pro- 
moting the cause of abolition, a cause deservedly cherished by 
the philanthropists of Pennsylvania, is evident from the fact, 
that by this means hundreds may be emancipated, and placed 
in a situation to enjoy all the blessings of liberty, at a compara- 
tively small expense, (viz : merely the cost of convey ing them to 
the colony, for their owners are willing to liberate them on con- 
dition that they will emigrate,) while by any other mode a 
large expenditure is necessary to purchase the freedom of a 
single indivdual, whose situation is, but too frequently, rendered 
much worse by the change. 

Thus impressed, the committee earnestly and respectfully 
invite the patronage of every friend of the African race, to 
assist them in this work of beneficence : contributions in agri- 
cultural and mechanical implements, books and other articles 
suitable for the numerous schools for the children of the colony 
and of the natives, provisions, clothing and merchandise suitable 
for that purpose, will be thankfully received by John Hanson, 
N. E. corner of Market and Water streets, and Gerard Ralston, 
No. 103 South Front street. Donations in money by Dr. James, 
No. 7 York Buildings, Walnut street ; by Gerard Ralston, No. 
103 South Front street ; Elliott Crcsson, No. 30 Sansom street ; 
2 



( 10 ) 

by Rev. G. Boyd, No. — Vine street ; and by the Rev. C. M. 
Dupuy, No. 403 South Front street. 

WILLIAM WHITE, 

Chairman of the Committee. 
Elliott Cresson, Secretary. 

In pursuance of the arrangement mentioned in this report 
the managers of the Pennsylvania Colonization Society, char- 
tered the brig Montgomery to go to Norfolk, where she took 
on board seventy emigrants,* and sailed thence for Liberia on 
the 29th of April. The average price of each passenger in the 
Montgomery was 82G 95, which also included the freight of a 
considerable quantity of provisions, and other articles, sent out 
for the use of the colony. 

Since the sailing of the Montgomery, the Liberia h^s return- 
ed, after a prosperous voyage of forty-two days out, having re- 
mained three weeks at Monrovia. The account given by Cap- 
tain Sherman, in his letter to the President of the society, 
which is annexed to this report, (see Appendix A. and B.) is 
highly interesting and gratifying to every friend of the colony. 
The testimony of Captain Sherman, who is a respectable and 
intelligent man, and had ample opportunity for observation, is 
calculated to contirm the hopes, and give new vigour to the ef- 
forts of those engaged in the cause of colonization. The mana- 
gers take this opportunity of expressing their gratitude to Cap- 
tain Sherman for his kindness and attention to the emigrants, 
and the ability with which he conducted the expedition com- 
mitted to his care. 

We have received by the Liberia, the first number of the 

* Of these, nearly two-thirds being healthy and industrious adults, (most- 
ly farmers and mechanics.) will prove a valuable acquisition to the strength 
of the colony : thirty individuals were manumitted by Col. Early of Geor- 
gia, six by Franklin Anderson, of Hagerstown, Md., six by Rev. Mr. Tilden, 
of Stephensburg, Va. and the remaining twenty-eight, by various benevolent 
persons near Lynchburgh, Va. 



( 11 ) 

■"Liberia Herald," a newspaper which is to be published 
monthly at Monrovia, and the appearance of which may well 
be accounted an important aera in the annals of the colony. 
The following extracts from the prospectus published in this 
number, may serve to show the matter it will contain, and the 
manner in which it is to be conducted. 

" The laws of the colony, the result of elections, the decisions 
of courts, and the reports of committees are to be made known, 
and what more expeditious and economical mode can be adopt- 
ed for their publication." 

" Our principal aim will be, the publication of the most in- 
teresting domestic and foreign occurrences of the day — the ar- 
rival and departure of vessels — dissertations on the manners and 
customs of the surrounding natives — and essays on subjects 
which shall have a tendency to cement more closely the bonds 
of society, and to uphold the hands of the lawful authorities." 

The marine list contained in this number, besides the arrival 
of four foreign vessels at the " Port of Monrovia," mentions the 
sailing of three colonial schooners, on trading voyages along the 
coast of Africa, and the second number, since received, an- 
nounces the arrival and departure of seventeen vessels. One 
of the colonists, who has resided seven years in Liberia, came 
out with Captain Sherman, and gives a most flattering account 
of the situation of the colony. The object of his visit to this 
country, is to see his friends, and take with him, to Africa, his 
mother, and other relatives, who reside in this city. He intends 
to return in a few weeks. 

Annexed to this report, (Appendix C. and D.) are two letters 
from Captain Jno. B. Nicolson, of the U. S. Navy, which are 
valuable for the information they contain, and as giving the 
opinion of an unprejudiced observer, of the state of the colony ; 
and also an interesting exposition of the views and feelings of 
the colonists themselves, contained in their circular addressed 



( 12) 

to the colored people of this country. (See Appendix E.) Mr. 
Clay's address to the Colonization Society of Kentucky, also 
annexed, is an eloquent and impressive account of the origin, 
operations, and views, of the American Colonization Society. 
(See Appendix F.) 

In concluding this report, the hoard cannot withhold from 
their fellow citizens the expression of their grateful sense of 
the liberality with which they have seconded our humble ex- 
ertions : the whole sum contributed,* amounting to 



They have disbursed as follows : 
Expedition of 58 passengers per Brig 

Liberia, 
70 passengers and stores 

per Brig Montgomery, 







$3999 50 


$1327 22 




1887 


00 


3214 22 




m 


;e of 


8785 28 



Leaving a Balance of 



This sum they propose to appropriate towards fitting out ano- 
ther expedition, to sail early in the ensuing autumn, if borne 
out by that munificence for w^hich our city has been so long 
distinguished : they would therefore particularly invite their 
attention to the generous offer of a gentleman who has already 
subscribed several hundred dollars, and who proposes to be " one 
of twenty-five persons, who shall contribute 8100 each, to in- 
sure the fulfilment of this benevolent plan." 

In addition to the sums collected in Philadelphia, we have 
received from the Chester County Colonization Society the 
sum of 8113, contributed by the inhabitants of Chester county 
in aid of these expeditions, in pursuance of resolutions adopted 

* They have also to acknowIedSfe the receipt of three kegs of medicine 
from Benjamin Johnson; fifteen pair of shoes from Robert Murphey ; and 
several ploughs and harrows from Rush and Muhlenburgh. 



( 13 ) \ 

at a meeting held in West Chester at the request of the mana- 
gers of this society. 

Philadelphia has already contributed much to this great ob- 
ject, by sending two vessels with colonists to Liberia, and it 
would be a source of noble satisfaction, if our city, by sending 
a third, should set an example for other parts of the Union to 
imitate. Were arrangements made for sending, annually at 
least, one vessel freighted with emigrants to the coast of Africa, 
the colony would soon be in a condition to render foreign sup- 
port unnecessary, and a flourishing people would express their 
gratitude to those who had removed them from a state of de- 
gradation, to the enjoyment of all the blessings of civil and re- 
ligious Jiberty. 

THOMAS C. JAMES, 

President. 

Jas. Bayard, 

Secretary pro. tem. 



APPENDIX. 



A. 



Letter from Capt. W. E. Sherman, captain of the brig Liberia, to 

Dr. Thomas C. James, President of the Pennsylvania 

Colonization Society. 




[The author is an experienced, pious master of a ship, well known to 
many of the most respectable merchants in New- York and Philadelphia-] 

Philadelphia, June 4th, 1830. 
Dear Sir, 
In relation to circumstances attending my late voyage, you are aware 
that the brig Liberia, under my command, was engaged last December by 
your Society, to take as many emigrants to Africa, as could get ready to em- 
bark at Norfolk by the 10th of January following. 

In pursuance of this object I proceeded to that port with the brig, where I 
arrived the 1st of January, and took on board fifty-eight persons, men, wo- 
men and children. Witli this number I sailed from Norfolk on tho 14th of 
January, and from Hampton Roads on the I6th, and proceeded to sea. The 
first ten days of our passage was unpleasant to the emigrants, in consequence 
of having much rain, and from sea-sickness. After which, the weather be- 
came pleasant, and they were healthy and cheerful the remainder of the 
passage. 

Among the passengers was the Rev. George Erskine, a Presbyterian mi- 
nister, with his wife, five children (the youngest about ten years oldV) and 
his mother, who was born in Africa, about eighty years of age. All this fa- 
mily were born slaves, their freedom was bought by Mr. Erskine, that of his 
mother excepted. Erskine himself is a very intelligent man ; he preached 
for us every Sabbath during the passage, sermons that would have been lis- 
tened to with pleasure by any Christian audience. In reply to my question 
respecting his views in emigrating, he said: " Captain Sherman, I am going 
to a new country to settle myself and family as agriculturalists ; to a coun- 
try where we shall be at least on a level with any of our fellow citizens ; 
where tlie complexion will be no barrier to our filling the most exalted sta- 
tion. I shall cultivate the land assigned me by the Colonization Society, 
and if it please God to spare my life, shall be always ready to do good as op- 
portunity offers." 

I had on board another interesting man by the name of Cook. He was 
about seventy years of age, and had a very patriarchal appearance. His fa- 
mily amounted to thirty m number, who all evidenced the benefits resulting 



V 



( 16) 

from the counsel, admonition and direction of a good old man, whom they 
loved and respected. They were Methodists from Lynchburg, Virginia. 

In the character of the others there was nothing peculiar. They all ap- 
peared to understand the purpose for which they were emigrating, and I have 
no doubt they will become useful members of society in the flourishing set- 
tlement where they are located. They were all submissive to the rules of 
the ship during the time they were with me. I believe there was but one 
man among them who was addicted to profane swearing, and he never 
transgressed in my hearing. 

After a passage of forty-two days, I landed the emigrants at Liberia, all 
in good health and spirits. They were located at Caldwell, about seven 
miles from the sea, on the river St. Pauls. They frequently visited Monro-, 
via while I was in that place, and expressed much satisfaction with their 
situation and prospects. On taking leave of me the day before I left Mon- 
rovia, Erskine said, (evidently with much sincerity,) " I can never be thank- 
£\^eaavgii-im God for directing my views to this country." 
y'r^oT particulars respecting the state of the colony, I refer you to my letter 
to Edward Hallowell Esquire, published in the United States Gazette of 
y 1 May 20th, and Foulson's Advertiser of the 2lst. 

- ' No person possessing the feelings which in my opinion give a dignity to 

man, can view the interesting settlement of Monrovia, without i%joicing that 
a civilized and Christian community is established in benighted Africa, with 
prospects of dispensing blessings to millions of that degraded people. That 
/' I you may meet with those aids from a generous public which your exertions 
BO richly merit, in the furtherance of your laudable designs, is the sincere 
j I wish of your 

Obedient servant, 

WM. E. SHERMAN. 
P. S. Permit me to suggest to you the propriety of preparing a bill of 
fare for future emigrants more consistent with their usual diet than our na- 
vy rations. Ship biscuit they cannot oat, especially the women and chil- 
dren, and salt beef they use little of, and are not fond of it. I would substi- 
Btute corn-meal for biscuit five days in the week, and fish, say mackarcl, 
I I for beef, three days in the week, molasses and vinegar one day more in the 
week than is given in the navy — potatoes plentifully, and whiskey not at 
all. This would not be more expensive, and would be more agreeable to 
them, and conducive to their health. 

Do not forget chloride of lime, with directions how to use it ; I experienc- 
ed the good effects of it in purifying the ship's hold. 

WsE.S. 



B. 

Letter from Capt. W. E. Sherman, captain of the Liberia, which 
carried the colonists to Liberia in January last. 

Philadelphia, May 10, 1830, 

Mr Edward Hallowell, 

Dear Sir — As you expressed a wish that I should commit to writing 
some account of our colony in Africa, for your own information and 
that of your friends, I with pleasure comply with your request, and will 



(17) 

give you all the Information I could obtain In the three weeks I was there 
last March. 

The tract of country purchased by the Colonization Society of the United 
States, from African kings, with a view of providing an asylum for emanci- 
pated slaves, and a residence for any free persons of color who might be 
desirous of going thither, is called, as you very well know, by the appropri- 
ate name o{ Liberia- 

The first settlement and capital of the colony is Monrovia., situated in lat. 
6, 21, N. and 10, 30, W. long., about a quarter of a mile above the mouth of 
the river Montsnrado, and about three quarters of a mile from the point of 
the cape, bearing the same name. The river St. Paul empties into the sea 
a short distance from the Montserado. For the first two years, the emi- 
grants lived in small thatched houses, and about five years ago, the first 
dwelling constructed of timber and boards, was built on the site of the pre- 
sent town, in a forest of trees of towering height, and a thick underwood. 
Tigers entering this (then) little village, have been shot from the doors. 
The first settlers had many difficulties to encounter, as is usually the case 
in establishing a new settlement; but all those difficulties have been happily 
overcome, and the people are now enjoying the benefits of their persever- 
ing industry. 

Monrovia,' at present, consists of about ninety dwelling houses and stores, 
two houses for public XV or ship, &n6. u. court house. Many of the dwellings are 
handsome and convenient, and all of them comfortable. The plot of the 
town is cleai'ed more than a mile square, elevated about seventy feeet above 
the level of the sea, and contains seven hundred inhabitants. The streets are 
generally one hundred feet wide, and, like those of our good city, intersect 
each other at right angles. The Colonization Society have an agent and 
physician there. 

The agent is the chief magistrate of the colony, and the physician his as- 
sistant. No white people are allowed to reside in the colony for the pur- 
pose of trade, or of pursuing any mechanical business, such being intended 
for the exclusive benefit of colored people. The colonial secretary, collector 
of customs, surveyor, and constables, are appointed by the agent ; — the vice- 
agent, sheriff, treasurer, and all other civil officers are elective, and all the 
offices except that of the agent and physician are filled by colored peo- 
ple. 

The court holds its sessions on the first Monday in every month ; juries 
are empannelled as with us, and its jurisdiction extends over the whole 
colony. The trials are, principally, for larceny, and the criminals generally 
natives, who commit thefts in the settlements. A (ewr instances of kidnap- 
ping have occurred ; these depredations were committed on the recaptured 
Africans. To the honor of the emigrants be it mentioned, that but five of 
their number have been committed for stealing or misdemeanor since 
1827. 

Two native kings have put themselves and their subjects (supposed to 
amount to ten thousand,) under the protection of the colony, and are ready, 
should it be thought necessary or expedient by the settlers to put into their 
hands arms, to make common cause with them in case of hostilities by any 
of the natives ; which, however, is not anticipated, as the most friendly dis- 
position is manifested by all the natives of the country from whom any dan- 
ger might have been apprehended. 

The township of Caldwell is about seven miles from Monrovia, on St. 
Paufs river, and contains a population of five hundred and sixty agricultu- 
ralists. The soil is exceedingly fertile, the situation pleasant, and tlic peo- 
ple satisfied and happy. The emigrants carried out by me, and from whom 
I received a pleasing and satisfactory account of that part of the country, 
are located there. 

3 



( IB ) '""1 

Millsburg is situated twenty-five miles from Monrovia, on the St. PauVt, 
at the head of tide water, where there are never failing streams, sufficient 
for one hundred mills ; and there is timber enough in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood for their employment, if used for the purpose of sawing, for half a 
century. The town contains two hundred inhabitants. 

Bushrod's Island, which separates the Montserado from the St. Paul's 
river, is seven miles in length, three at its extreme breadth, about five miles 
from Monrovia, and is very fertile ; on tliis island are settled thirty families 
from the Carolinas. All the above settlers, amounting to at least fifteen hun- 
dred, are emigrants from the United States. 

On the left bank of Stockton Creek, and near the settlement on Bushrod's 
Island, the recaptured Africans are located ; two hundred and fifty of whom 
were sent out by the government of the United States, and one hundred and 
fifty taken by the colonists from the Spanisii factories ; the agents of which 
having bought some of our kidnapped Africans, and refusing to give them 
up, the colonists not only took their own [)eople but the slaves they had col- 
lected. These four hundred, who are useful agriculturalists, are happil}' sit- 
uated and very contented. The settlements of which I have spoken, contain 
in the aggregate, nearly two thousand souls, and are in a flourishing con- 
dition. 

I have been frequently asked, since my return from Liberia, whether 
there is no danger of the natives breaking in upon the colonists and destroy- 
ing them. The best answer I can give to this question, in addition to what 
I have already said, is a statement of the following facts. 

When the colonists could muster but thirty effective men for defence, and 
when the forest was in pistol shot of their houses, five thousand of the na- 
tives, armed with muskets and other weapons of war, made an attack upon 
them in three divisions. A part of this little band were surprised by the left 
division, who took possession of one of their two cannon, a nine pounder; 
but instead of making use of it, (if indeed they knew how,) for the piece 
was loaded with grape and round shot, and a lighted match placed near it, 
the possessors were seen embracing it, powwowing over it, and vociferating, 
" big gun, big gun," till the other, a four pounder, was brought to bear on 
them under the direction of Lot Gary, and plied with so much precision and 
activity, that they retreated. The gun was retaken and turned on the inva- 
ders, when they made their escape to the forest. There was someskirmish- 
ing from the bush until one of their Gree-gree* men was slain, carried off 
by our men, and thrown into the river. This event entirely disheartened 
them, they went off, and have from that time never appeared in hostile array 
against the colonists. Many of them have traded with the colony ever since, 
but they would not acknowledge that they were engaged in the war, till, 
from an intercourse of some time, they found it would not be remembered 
to their prejudice. They then related many singular and amusing anec- 
dotes respecting it, and acknowledged the loss of seventy to eighty men 
killed. If I remember right, the colonists lost but two or three of their little 
band. 

The means the colony have for defence, at present, consist of twenty pieces 
of ordnance, and muskets, &c. for 1000 men, which may be increased from 
private stores if wanted. In Monrovia there are, Capt. Steward's company 
of Infantry, Weaver's company of Artillery, and Draper's company of Rifle 
Rangers. In Caldwell, Davis' company of Infantry, and Brown's of Artille- 
ry. In Millsburg, White's company of Rifle Rangers. All these are volun- 
teers and in uniform ; besides which, a respectable number of militia, not in 
uniform, and as many of the natives under the protection of the colonial go- 

* Gree-gree men are a kind of prophela or conjurors. 



( 19) 

vernment as it may think proper to arm. These facts will, I think, satisfy 
any man as to tlic safety of the colonists from attacks by the natives. 

There is a respectable fort on Cap6 Montserado, which commands the 
roadstead, and has protected an English vessel chased in by a pirate. The 
military are commanded by Major Barbour — the]Commander in Chief, is the 
society's agent. 

There is much hospitality to be found in Monrovia, and among the inhabi- 
tants a greater proportion of moral and religious characters than in this city. 
I never saw a man intoxicated, nor heard any profane swearing during the 
three weeks I was among them. 

The two houses for religious worship alrcadynoticed, are Baptist and Me- 
thodist — the Baptists have three and Methodists five preachers, all intelli- 
gent colored men, merchants and traders, residing among them ; so that the 
people have nothing to pay for the support of ministers. Five German Mis- 
sionaries, some ministers and teachers reside there, a portion of whom preach 
at the Methodist church occasionally. 

A trading company has been formed at Monrovia, with a capital of $4,000, 
and an agreement entered into that no dividend shall be made until the pro- 
fits increase the capital to $20,000. The stock has risen from 30 to 75 dol- 
lars per share, in one year. 

It has been objected that the climate is very unhealthy, — this is true as 
respects the whites, but erroneous as respects the colored people. Those 
from the middle and northern states have to undergo what is called a sea- 
soning, — that is, they generally take the fever the first month of their resi- 
dence, but it has rarely proved fatal, since accommodations have been pre- 
pared for their reception ; those from Georgia, the Carolinas, and the 
southern parts of Virginia, either escape the fever altogether, or have it very 
slightly. Deaths occur there, indeed, as in other places, but Doctor Mech- 
lin, the agent, assured me that the bills of mortality would shew a less pro- 
portion of deaths, than those of Baltimore, Philadelphia or New York. 

I have given you a statement of facts as nearly as I could ascertain 
them. If there be any errors, they are, I am persuaded, unimportant, for 
my information has been derived from respectable sources in that country, 
and my own observation induces me to believe that what I have written is 
substantially correct. 

I will add my opinion, though I fear you may think it presumptuous. I 
have no hesitation in saying that I believe Liberia will, in time, become a 
great nation, and be the means, eventually, of civilizing a great part of Afri- 
ca, and I should hope the whole of that benighted country. There are al- 
ready in Monrovia, at least 60 children of native parents, and there would 
be, if wanted, many more. 

Do you ask what kind of government the Liberians would establish, if a 
great nation and left to themselves ; I answer, a republican, unquestionably. 
The intelligent emigrants having been brought up in this country, and the 
first laws in operation among them being republican, they would be as well 
prepared for happiness under such a government, as any people in the 
world. The adult male inhabitants consider themselves men, and know how 
to enjoy the blessings of a free institution, and will never surrender their li- 
berties, but with their lives. They are now as patriotic Americans as our 
fore-fathers were loyal subjects of the kings of England. Should they re- 
ceive no further aid from this country, they will nevertheless, in my opinion, 
attain to greatness eventually, but if that aid which I think they so justly 
deserve, should be continued, their progress to this end will be greatly acce- 
lerated. 

Some are of opinion that Hayti is preferable to Liberia for colored people 
to emigrate to ; a little reflection will, I think, shew the error of this opin- 
ion. Hayti is and ever has been in the hands of military despots : the Hay- 



( 20 ) 

tians have never known what rational liberty was, nor ever can. Experi- 
ence has shown this to be the case. What would people of color from this 
country gain by going to Haj'ti? — they would be kept as laborers, "hewers 
of wood and drawers of water," to the haughty Haytian. They would 
have no share in the government, and could never rise to any degree of emi- 
nence. If they must have masters, they prefer white to those of their own 
color; this I have found to be universally their sentiment. The manners 
and customs of the Haytians are different from those of our people as is their 
language. The religious and even moral colored people, cannot bo happy 
where the sabbath is a day of revelry and dissipation, and they considered as 
heretics, and where the morals of the people are little better than those of the 
native African. 

Many of our citizens seem to think that the object and only object of the 
Colonization Society, is to get clear of a surplus colored population; I have 
very little personal acquaintance with any of the members, but I never can 
attribute a motive so selfish to that society. Their objects then can only be 
the laudable ones of bettering the condition of an injured people, diminishing' 
slavery in our country, and the civilization of Africa, all which appear to 
me attainable. 

You may say I have given you much extraneous matter^ which has but lit- 
tle bearing on the main question — true, but I am writing to a friend, whose 
goodness i know will pardon this digression, and who can expect no better 
from an old seaman. 

Yours, truly, 

W. E. SHERMAN. 



c. 

Copy of a letter from Copt. Nicolson, of the United States Navy, to 
the Hon. Henry Clay. 



Washington, March 17, 1828. 

Sir — Having visited the Colony of Liberia, on my return to the United 
States, from a cruise in the Mediterranean, I cheerfully comply with your 
request, by presenting to you such views of its present condition and proba- 
ble growth, as occurred to me in the course of that visit. 

The soil in the possession of the colonists is rich, and will produce a super- 
abundance for the support of the colony, as well as for external commerce. 
Sugar, cotton, coffee, rice, and various trees and plants, yielding valuable 
dyes, and medicinal gums, can be cultivated with success. 

The population is now 1,200,* and is healthy and thriving. The children 
born in the country are fine looking, and I presume can be raised as easily as 
those of the natives. All the colonists with whom I had any communication, 
(and with nearly the whole I did communicate in person, or by my officers,) 
expressed their decided wish to remain in their present situation, rather than 
to return again to the United States. I cannot give you better evidence of 
the prosperity of the colony, than by mentioning that eight of my crew, (co- 
loured mechanics,) after going on shore, two several days, applied for, and 
received their discharge., in order to remain as permanent settlers. These 

* [n March 1830, the number had increased to 2,000, besides the natives tcho 
had placed themselces under the protection of the Colony. 



• (21 ) 

men had been absent from their country upwarda of three years, and had, 
among them, nearly two thousand dollars in clothes and money. Had they 
not been throughly convinced that their happiness and prosperity would be 
better promoted by remaining among their free brethren in Liberia, they 
would not have determined on so momentous a step as quitting the United 
States, perhaps forever, where they all had left friends and relatives. 

The appearance of all the colonists, those of Monrovia as well as those of 
Caldwell, indicated more than contentment. Their manners were those of 
freemen, who experienced the blessings of liberty, and appreciated the boon. 
Many of them had, by trade, accumulated a competency, if the possession of 
from three to five thousand dollars may be called so. As a proof of the grow- 
ing importance of the commerce of the country, more than 100 hogsheads of 
tobacco had been imported during the last year, and the demand was in- 
creasing. Ivory and camwood are now the prominent articles received in 
exchange for foreign imports ; other dyewoods, and many medicinal gums 
and roots will be hereafter brought in, as they are already known to exist in 
the interior. 

I take this occasion to suggest the propriety of permitting any of the colo- 
nists to purchase an additional number of acres of land from the agent. By 
permitting this, the more enterprising will be enabled to turn their attention 
to the culture of the coffee tree, which grows spontaneously in the vicinity 
of Monrovia. In fact, the soil will produce every thing which a tropical 
climate will allow to arrive at maturity. 

From the good order and military discipline which appear to prevail among 
the colonists, I am induced to believe they could easily repel any attack which 
could be made upon them by any native force. They have arms, and hav- 
ing associated themselves into volunteer companies, have acquired the know- 
ledge of using them with effect, against any probable force which might be 
brought to bear upon them, by undisciplined and scattered tribes in their vi- 
cinity. It is true, they have no harbors for large vessels, as all their rivers 
are obstructed by bars. This is not of much consequence to their coasting 
trade, as they have many harbors and inlets, which are accessible to small 
vessels. Large vessels have also one advantage, that most of the heavy 
winds are off the coast, which gives them a lee and a smooth sea. Off Cape 
Mesurado, there is a good anchorage, and on the pitch of the cape they have 
planted a battery, which will protect any vessel that may need it, from pi- 
ratical depredations. 

I would respectfully suggest, for your consideration, the propriety of mak- 
ing the principal Agent of the Colony, a " Commercial Agent," as cases 
have occurred on the coast, when such an appointment might have proved 
the means of rescuing American property from the hands of foreigners, who 
have maintained possession of it in consequence of there being no legalized 
American agent on the coast. 

The importance of this colony, as regards the native tribes of the coast, is, 
in my estimation, great. They already begin to perceive that it is civiliza- 
tion and the blessings of religion, which give superiority to man over his fel- 
low man. They had supposed it was the white skin ; but now they see, in 
their neighbourhood, men of their own color, enjoying all those advantages 
hitherto deemed peculiar to the former. This has elicited a spirit of inquiry, 
which must tend to their benefit. The philanthropist may anticipate the 
day when our language and religion will spread over this now benighted 
land. The slave trade will cease as the colony progresses, and extends its 
settlements. The very spot, where now exists a free people, was a depot 
for the reception of manacled slaves. This fact alone is entitled to consi- 
deration, and ought to arouse the zeal of the friends of humanity every- 
where. 

Our large cities complain of the number of free blacks, who have, by their 



(22) 

petty crimes, filled their penitentiaries. Would not the colony be benefitted 
by the labor of these men, and the community relieved by their transporta- 
tion ? I certainly thinli the colony sufficiently strong, both morally and phy- 
sically, to prevent any injury from their admission. I do not pretend to point 
out the mode or character in which they ought to»be received. This I leave 
to those who are more able to judge on the subject. I see that the colony is 
now in want of numbers, to clear and cultivate a country which will amply 
repay them for the labor. 

I take leave to mention, that the climate is much like that of all similar 
latitudes ; and, as the land is rich, and most of it still in woods, we must ex- 
pect that bilious fevers will sometimes prevail ; but I do not think it more 
unhealthy, to the colored people, than our extreme southern coast ; and as 
the soil of Liberia becomes cleared and cultivated, I have no doubt it will be 
found as healthy as any other southern latitude. It was, I believe, never in- 
tended, that the white man should inhabit this region of the globe; at least 
we know that the diseases of this climate are more fatal to him, than to the 
man of color. They luxuriate in the intense heat, while a white man sinks 
under its exhausting influence. 

I confess, sir, that, since I have visited this colony, I have felt a strong in- 
terest in its prosperity, and hope that it will thrive under the auspices of a 
Society, among whom are some of our most distinguished citizens. 

If what I have communicated shall prove instrumental, in the slightest de- 
gree, to sustain you in the cause of humanity, and of this degraded race, I 
shall rejoice that my duty called me to witness the growing prosperity of 
the Colony of Liberia. 

With sentiments of high respect, I have the honour to be, your obedient 
servant, 

JNO. B. NICOLSON, 
Late Commander of the U. S. Ship Ontario. 
The Hon. Henry Clay, 

F'iee President of the Colonisation Society. 



Copt. Nicolson's Letter to the Rev. J. M. Wainwright, 1 Rector- 
street. 



Sia, 



D. 

New-York, October 2ht. 1829. 



In answer to your note requesting my views relative to the Colony of 
Liberia, I take leave to state, that my impressions have not been altered since 
writing the enclosed letter addressed to the Hon. Henry Clay, Vice President 
of the Society, upon my return from Liberia. 

I have had an opportunity, since my return, of conversing with several of 
the colonists who have visited this country and have again returned to Li- 
beria. From their conversation, with all the information derived from other 
sources, I am convinced more and more of the utility of supporting a colony 
which will have the effect of again restoring the descendants of this race to 
their natural soil and climate, with every advantage of civilization, and it is 
to be hoped, with the blessings of religion. Every philanthropist ought to 
rejoice at the prospect of sending the 07ili/ missionaries which the climate will 
allow them to receive ; for the white man is not calculated, from this cause, 
to carry those blessings, the knowledge of which alone raises man above the 
Savage. 

I conceive this colony to be the most effectual mode of destroying the hor- 



(23) 

rid traffic which has been, and is now the disgrace of civilization. The elavo 
trade no doubt has received a more effectual check since the establishment 
of tlio colony of Liberia, than for a century before : this is a powerful motive 
to call forth the best energies of our countrymen, who have so strenuously 
endeavoured to destroy this traffic, both by the acts of our government, aa 
well as individual exertion. 

That the colony will, in a few years, be enabled to support itself by the 
product of the country and from commerce, I still have no doubt. The loca- 
tion of the settlement is a good one for health, as far as the climate will per- 
mit. The land is free from swamp, but of a rich alluvial soil, with a river 
running through the valley, and the country, as far as the eye extends, is in- 
terspersed with hills of considerable magnitude, which, as understood from 
those who had visited the interior, extend far back. It was considered more 
healthy as you left tlie coast, as is the casp. in our southern country. I can- 
not but believe it is one of the most important colonies which has been estab- 
lished since the settlement of our continent, both as regards religion and 
civilization. So much has been already said at the late meeting, by tho 
gentlemen whose eloquence gave a charm to this interesting question, that 
it would be a useless attempt on my part to endeavour to excite your feel- 
ings, even had I the eloquence or power. I however beg to say, that as 
far as my observations allow me to judge, a visit occasionally, from the 
gentleman who may be (white) agent of the Society, would be sufficient to 
enable them to govern themselves in such a manner as to ensure to them tho 
respect and confidence of the several nations around them. Thus throwing 
themselves more upon their own resources, would give them confidence with- 
in themselves, nor do I believe that confidence would be abused. They ap- 
peared, when I was among them, to take pride in seeing their laws respected 
and obeyed, and none more so than those which related to religion and mo- 
rality. 

The prosperity of the Society, I cannot but take a lively interest in, and it 
will always afford me sincere pleasure to further its views, both in my pub- 
lic character, when in my power, as well as individually. 

That you and the other gentlemen may be successful in calling the atten- 
tion of our countrymen to this truly interesting and important question, is tho 
eincere wish of 

Respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

JNO. B. NICOLSON. 
To the Reverend 

3. M. Wainvtright, 1 Rector-etreet. 



E. 

Address of the Colonists to the Free People of Colour in the IT. S. 

At a numerous meeting of the citizens of Monrovia, held at the Court 
House, on the 27th day of August, 1827, for the purpose of considering the 
expediency of uniting in an address to the Coloured People of the United 
States, John H. Folks, Esq. in the chair, it was 

Resolved, That a committee of five persons be appointed, to frame a cir- 
cular address, to bo published in the United States, for the better information 
of tho People of Color in that country, respecting the state of this Colony, 
and tho condition of the settlers ; and 

That Captains James C. Barbour and F. Dovaney, W. L Weaver, esq. and 



(24) 

the Rev. C. M. Waring and Gcorgo R. McGill, be the committee to prepare 
and report the said address, on Tuesday, the 4th day of September next. 

Tuesday, Septembtr 4th, 1827. 
The forenamed committee reported the following address, which was adopt- 
ed, and ordered to be transmitted to the United States, and there published, 
for the information of the Colored People of that coui\try : 

(circular.) 

As much speculation and uncertainty continues to prevail among the Peo- 
ple of Color in the United States, respecting our situation and prospects in 
Africa : and many misrepresentations have been put in circulation there, of 
a nature slanderous to us, and, in their effects, injurious to tliem ; we felt it 
our duty, by a true statement of our circumstances, to endeavour to correct 
them. 

The first consideration which caused our voluntary removal to this coun- 
try, and the object which we still regard with the deepest concern, is liberty — 
liberty, in the sober, simple, but complete sense of the word : not a licentious 
liberty, nor a liberty without government, or which should place us without 
the restraint of salutary laws — but that liberty of speech, action, and con- 
science, which distinguishes the free enfranchised citizens of a free State. 
We did not enjoy that freedom in our native country ; and, from causes 
which, as respects ourselves, we shall soon forget forever, we were certain it 
was not there attainable for ourselves or our children. This, then, being the 
first object of our pursuit in coming to Africa, is probably the first object on 
which you will ask for information. And we must truly declare to you, that 
our expectations and hopes, in this respect, have been realized. Our consti- 
tution secures to us, so far as our conditinn allows, " all the rights and pri- 
vileges enjoyed by the citizens of the United Stales ;" and these rights and 
privileges are ours. We are proprietors of the soil we live on, and possess 
the rights of freeholders. Our suffrages, and, what is of more importance, 
our sentiments and our opinions have their due weight in the government 
we live under. Our laws are altogether our own : they grow out of our cir- 
cumstances ; are framed for our exclusive benefit, and administered either 
by officers of our own appointment, or such as possess our confidence. We 
have a judiciary, chosen from among ourselves; we serve as jurors in tha 
trial of others ; and are liable to be tried only by juries of our fellow-citizens, 
ourselves. We have all that is meant by Liberty of conscience. The time 
and mode of worshipping God, as prescribed to us in his word, and dictated 
by our conscience, we are not only fr«e to follow, but are protected in fol- 
lowing. 

Forming a community of our own, in the land of our forefathers ; having 
the commerce, and soil, and resources, of the country at our disposal ; we 
know nothing of that debasing inferiority with which our very colour stamp- 
ed us in America : there is nothing here to create the feeling on our part — 
nothing to cherish the feeling of superiority in the minds of foreigners who 
visit us. It is this moral emancipation — this liberation of the mind from 
worse than iron fetters — that repays us ten thousand times over, for all that 
it has cost us, and makes us grateful to God and our American patrons for 
the happy change which has taken place in our situation. We are not so 
self-complacent as to rest satisfied with our improvement, either as regards 
our minds or our circumstances. We do not expect to remain stationary. 
Far from it. But we certainly feel oursclves^for the first time, in a state to 
improve either to any purpose. The burthen is gone from our shoulders : 
we now breathe and move freely ; and know not (in surveying your pre- 
sent state) for which to pity you most — the empty namo of liberty, which 
you endeavoar to content yourselves with, in a country that is aot yours, or 



( 25 ) 

Uie delusion which makes you hope for ampler privileges in that country 
hereafter. Tell us, which is the white man, who, with a prudent regard to 
his own character, can associate with one of you, on terms of equality? Ask 
us, which is the white man who would decline "such association with one of 
our number, whose intellectual and moral qualities are not an objection ? To 
both these questions we unhesitatingly make the same answer : — There is no 
such white man. 

We solicit none of you to emigrate to this country : for we know not who 
among you prefers rational independence, and the honest respect of his fel- 
low men, to that mental sloth and careless poverty which you already pos- 
sess, and your children will inherit after you, in America. But if your views 
and aspirations rise a degree higher — if your minds arc not as servile as your 
present condition — we can decide^the question at once ; and with confidence 
say, that you will bless the day, and your children after you, when you de- 
termined to become citizens of Liberia. 

But we do not hold this language on the blessings of liberty for the pur- 
pose of consoling ourselves for the sacrifice of health, or the sufiering of 
want, in consequence of our removal to Africa. We enjoy health after a few 
montli''s residence in the country, as uniformly, and in as perfect a degree, 
as we possessed that blessing in our native country. And a distressing scar- 
city of provisions, or any of the comforts of life, has for the last two years 
been entirelj' unknown, even to the poorest persons in this community. On 
these points there are, and have been, much misconcejition, and some mali- 
cious misrepresentations in the United States. 

We have nearly all suffered from sickness, and, of the earliest emigrants, 
a large proportion fell in the arduous attempt to lay the foundation of the 
Colony. But are they the only persons whose lives have been lost in the 
cause of human liberty, or sacrificed to the welfare of their fellow-men? 
Several out of every ship's company have, within the last four years, been 
carried off by sickness, caused by the change of climate. And death occa- 
sionally takes a victim from our number, without any regard at all to the 
time of his residence in this country. But we never hoped, by leaving Ame- 
rica, to escape the common lot of mortals — the necessity of death, to which 
the just appointment of Heaven consigns us. But we do expect to live as 
long, and pass this life with as little sickness as yourselves. 

The true character of the African climate is not well ur<derstood in other 
countries. Its inhabitants are as robust, as healthy, as long-iived, to say the 
least, as those of any other country. Nothing like an ejiidemic has ever ap- 
peared in this Colony ; nor can we learn from the natives, that the calamity 
of a sweeping sickness ever yet visited this part of the continent. But the 
change from a temperate to a tropical country is a great one — too great not 
to affect the health, more or less — and, in the case of old people, and very 
young children, it often causes death. In the early years of the Colony, want 
of good houses, the great fatigues and dangers of the settlers, their irregular 
mode of living, and the hardships and discouragements they met with, great- 
ly helped the other causes of sickness, which prevailed to an alarming ex- 
tent, and were attended with great mortality. But we look back to those 
times as to a season of trial long past, and nearly forgotten. Our houses and 
circumstances are now comfortable ; and, for the last two or three years, not 
one person in forty, from the Middle and Southern states, has died from the 
change of climate. The disastrous fate of the company of settlers who came 
out from Boston in the brig Vine, eighteen months ago, is an exception to 
the common lot of emigrants ; and the causes of it ought to be explained. 
Those people left a cold region in the coldest part of Winter, and arrived 
here in the hottest season of our year. Many of them were too old to have 
survived long in any country. They most imprudently neglected the pre- 
scriptions of our very successful physician, the Kev. Lot Carey, who lia« 
4 



(26) 

great experience and great skill in the fevers of the country, and depended 
on medicines brought with them, which could not fail to prove injurious. 
And, in consequence of all these unfortunate circumstances, their sufferings 
were severe, and many died. But we are not apprehensive that a similar 
calamity will befall any future emigrants, except under similar disadvan- 
tages. 

People now arriving, have comfortable houses to receive them ; will enjoy 
the regular attendance of a physician in the slight sickness that may await 
them ; will be surrounded and attended by healthy and happy people, who 
have borne the effects of the climate, who will encourage and fortify them 
against that despondency which, alone, has carried off several in the first 
years of the Colony. 

But you may say, that even health and freedom, as good as they are, are 
still dearly paid for, when they cost you the common comforts of life, and 
expose your wives and children to famine, and all the evils of want and 'po- 
verty. We do not dispute the soundness of this conclusion either ; but we 
utterly deny that it has any application to the people of Liberia. 

Away with all the false notions that are circulating about the barrenness 
of this country : they are tlie observations of such ignorant or designing men, 
as would injure both it and you. A more fertile soil, arxl a more productive 
country, so far as it is cultivated, tliere is not, we believe, on the face of the 
earth, its hills and its plains are covered with a verdure which never fades ; 
the productions of nature keep on in their growth through all the seasons of 
the year. Even the natives of the country, almost without farming tools, 
without skill, and with very little labour, make more grain and vegetables 
than they can consume, and ot\en more tiian they can sell. 

Cattle, swine, fowls, ducks, goats, and sheep, thrive without feeding, and 
require no other care than to keep them from straying. Cotton, coffee, in- 
digo, and the sugar cane, are all the sjjontaneous growth of our forests ; and 
may be cultivated, at pleasure, to any extent, by such as are disposed. The 
same may be said of rice, Indian corn, guinea corn, millet, and too many 
species of fruits and vegetables to be enumerated. Add to all tiiis, we have 
no dreary Winter here, for one half of the year to consume the productions 
of the other half. Nature is constantly renewing herself, and constantly 
pouriiig her treasures, all the year round, into the laps of the industrious. 
We could say on this subject, more ; but we are afraid of exciting, too high- 
ly, the hopes of the imprudent. It is only the industrious and virtuous that 
we can point to independence, and plenty, and happiness, in this country. 
Such people are nearly sure to attain, in a very few years, to a style of com- 
fortable living, which they may in vain hope for in the United States ; and 
however short we come of this character ourselves, it is only a due ac- 
knowledgment of the bounty of Divine Providence to say, that we generally 
enjoy the good things of this life to our entire satisfaction. 

Our trade is chiefly confined to the coast, to the interior parts of the con- 
tinent, and to foreign vessels. It is already valuable, and fast increasing. 
It is carried on in the productions of the country, consisting of rice, palm 
oil, ivory, tortoise shell, dye woods, gold, hides, wax, and a small amount of 
coffee : and it brings us, in return, the products and manufactures of the four 
quarters of the world. — Seldom, indeed, is our harbour clear of European 
and American shipping ; and the bustle and thronging of our streets, show 
something, already, of the activity of the smaller seaports of the United 
States. 

Mechanics, of nearly every trade, are carrying on their various occupations ; 
their wages are high ; and a large number would be sure of constant and 
profitable employment. 

Not a child or youth in the Colony but is provided with an appropriate 
school. We have a numerous public library, and a court house, meeting 



( 27 ) 

houses, Bchool houses, and fortifications sufficient, or nearly so, for the Colo- 
ny, in its present state. 

Our houses are constructed of the same materials, and finished in the 
same style, as in the towns of America. We have abundance of good build- 
ing stone, shells for lime, and clay, of an excellent quality, for bricks. Tim- 
ber is plentiful, of various kinds, and fit for all the difierent purposes of 
building and fencing. 

Truly we have a goodly heritage : and if there is any thing lacking in the 
character or condition of the people of this Colony, it never can be charged 
to the account of the country : it must be the fruit of our own mismanage- 
ment, or slothfulncss, or vices. But from these evils we confide in Him, to 
whom we are indebted for all our blessings, to preserve us. It is the topic 
of our weekly and daily thanksgiving to Almighty God, both in public and 
in private, and He knows with what sincerity, that we were ever conducted, 
by his Providence, to this shore. — Such great favours, in so short a time, and 
mixed with so few trials,'are to be ascribed to nothing but His special bles- 
sing. — This we acknowledge. We only want the gratitude which such sig- 
nal favours call for. Nor are wo willing to close this paper without adding 
a heartfelt testimonial of the deep obligations we owe to our American pa- 
trons and best earthly benefactors, whose wisdom pointed us to this home of 
Our nation, and whose active and persevering benevolence enabled us to 
reach it. Judge, then, of the feelings with which we hear the motives and 
doings of the Colonization Society traduced — and that, too, by men too ig- 
norant to know what that Society has accomplished; too weak to look 
through its plans and intentions ; or too dishonest to acknowledge either. 
But without pretending to any prophetic sagacity, we can certainly predict 
to that Society, the ultimate triumph of their hopes and labours, and disap- 
pointment and defeat to all who oppose them. Men may theorize, and spec- 
ulate about their plans in America, but there can be no speculation here. 
The cheerful abodes of civilization and happiness which are scattered over 
this verdant mountain — the flourishing settlements which are spreading 
around it — the sound of Christian instruction, and scenes of Christian wor- 
ship, which are heard and seen in this land of brooding pagan darkness — a 
thousand contented freemen united in founding a new Christian empire, 
happy themselves, and the instruments of happiness to others — every object, 
every individual, is an argument, is demonstration, of the wisdom and good- 
ness of the plan of Colonization. 

Where is the argument that shall refute facts like these ? And where is 
the mau hardy enough to deny tliem .' 



F. 

An Address delivered to the Colonization Society of Kentucky, at 
Frankfort, December 17, 1829, hy the Hon. Henry Clay, at the 
request of the Board of Managers. 

Gentlemen of the Colonization Society of Kentucky : 

I most sincerely wish that the task of addressing you, on this occasion, had 
been assigned, by the Board of Managers, to some individual more compe- 
tent than I am to explain and illustrate and enforce the claims of the Society 
to the friendly and favorable consideration of the public. I yield to none in a 
thorough jiersuasion of the utility of the scheme of the Society, in a profound 



(28) 

conviction of its practicabilit}', and in an ardent desire for its complete success. 
But I am sensible that there are many others who could more happily than I 
can, throw around the subject those embellishments which are best calculated 
to secure attention, and engage the cordial and energetic co-operation of the 
community. When the application was first made to me to deliver this ad- 
dress, I hesitated to comply with it, because I apprehended that my motives 
would be misconceived, and my language be misrepresented. Subsequent 
reflection determined me to adhere to the maxim of my whole life, to endea- 
vor to render all the good in my power, witiiout being restrained bj;^ the mis- 
conceptions to which I might expose myself. In entering upon the duty 
which has devolved upon me, I ask only the exercise of ordmary liberality in 
judging the imperfections which will doubtless mark its performance. 

In s\irveying the United States of North America and their Territories, tho 
beholder perceives, among their inhabitants, three separate and distinct races 
of men, originally appertaining to three different continents of the globe, each 
race varying from the others in colour, physical properties, and moral and intel- 
lectual endowments. The European is the most numerous ; and, as well from 
that fact, as from its far greater advance in civilization and in the arts, has 
the decided aseendency over the other tvi'o, giving the law to them, control- 
ing their condition, and responsible for their fate to the Great Father of all, 
and to the enlightened world. Tlie next most numerous and most intelligent 
race, is that which sprung from Africa, the largest portion of which is held 
in bondage by their brethren, decendants of the European. Tlic aborigines, 
or Indian race, are the least numerous, and, with the exception of somo 
tribes, have but partially emerged from the state of barbarism in whicli 
they were found on the first discovery of America. Whence, or how they 
came hither, are speculations for the research of the curious, on which au- 
thentic history affords no certain light. 

Their future fortunes or condition, form no part of the subject of this Ad- 
dress. I shall, I hope, nevertheless, be excused for the digression of dedica- 
ting a few i)assing observations to the interesting remnant of these primitive 
possessors of the New World. I have never been able to agree in the expe- 
diency of employing any extraordinary exertions to blend the white and cop- 
per coloured races together, by the ceremony of marriage. There would bo 
a motive for it if tlie Indians were equal or superior to their white brethren in 
physical or intellectual powers. But the fact is believed to be otherwise. — 

The mixture improves the Indian, but deteriorates the European element 

Invariably, it is remarked, that those of the mixed blood, among the Indians, 
are their superiors in war, in council, and in the progress of the useful arts, 
whilst they remain in the rear of the pure white race still farther than they 
are in advance of the pure Indian. In those instances (chiefly among the 
French) during the progress of the settlement of this continent, in which the 
settlers have had most intercourse with the Indians, they have rather sunk to 
the level of their state, than contributed essentially to their civilization. 

But if there be no adequate recommendation to the white race of an union, 
by intermarriage, with the Indian, we are enjoined, by every duty of religion, 
humanity and magnanimity, to treat them with kindness and justice, and to 
recal them, if we can, from their savage to a better condition. The United 
States stand charged with the fate of these poor children of tlie woods in tho 
face of their common Maker, and in the presence of the world. And, as 
certain as the guardian is answerable for the education of his infant ward, 
and the management of his estate, will they be responsible here and hereafter 
for the manner in which they shall perform the duties of the high trust which 
is committed to their hands, by the force of circumstances. Hitherto, since 
the United States became an independent power among tho nations of the 
earth, they have generally treated the Indians with justice, and performed 
towards them all tho offices of humanity. Their policy, in this respect, waB 



(29) 

vindicated during the negotiations at Ghent, and the principles which guided 
them in their relations with tlie Indians, were then promulgated to all Christ- 
endom. On that occasion, Uieir representatives, holding up their conduct in 
advantageous contrast with that of Great Britain and the other powers of 
Europe, said : " From the rigor of this system, however, as practiced by 
Great Britain and all the European powers in America, the humane and lib- 
eral policy of the United States has voluntarily relaxed. A celebrated writer 
on the law of nations, to whose authority British jurists have taken particular 
satisfaction in appealing, after stating, in the most explicit manner, the legit- 
imacy of colonial settlements in America, to the exclusion of all rights of un- 
civilized Indian tribes, has taken occasion to praise the first settlers of New- 
England, and the founder of Pennsylvania, in having purchased of the Indians 
the lands they resolved to cultivate, notwithstanding their being provided with 
a charter from their sovereign. It is this example which the United States, 
since they became, by their independence, the sovereigns of the territory, 
have adopted and organized into a ■political system. Under that system, the 
Indians residing within the United States are so far independent, that they live 
under their own ctistoms and not under the laws of the United States ; that their 
rights upon the lands where they inhabit or hunt, are secured to them by boun- 
daries defined in amicable treaties between the United States and themselves ; 
and that whenever those boundaries are varied, it is also by amicable and vol- 
untary treaties, by which they receive from the United States ample compen- 
sation for every right they have to the land ceded by them. They are so far 
dependent as not to have the right to dispose of their lands to any private 
person, nor to any power other than the United States, and to be under their 
protection alone, and not under that of any other power. Whether called sub- 
jects, or by whatever name designated, suc/t is the relation between them and 
the United States. The relation is neither asserted now for the first time, 
nor did it originate with the treaty of Greenville. These principles have 
been uniformly recognised by the Indians themselves, not only by that treaty, 
but in all the other previous as well as subsequent treaties between them and 
the United States." Such was the solemn annunciation to the whole world 
of the principles and of the system regulating our relations with the Indians, 
as admitted by us and recognized by them. There can be no violation of 
either, to the disadvantage of the weaker party, which will not subject us, as 
a nation, to the just reproaches of all good men, and which may not bring 
down upon us the maledictions of a more exalted and powerful tribunal. 

Whether the Indian portion of the inhabitants of the United States will 
survive or become extinct, in the progress of population, which the European 
race is rapidly making from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Pacific 
ocea.n, provided they are treated with justice and humanity, is a problem of less 
importance. The two races are not promiscuously mingled together, but 
are generally separate and distinct communities. There is no danger to the 
whites or to their purity, from the power or from the vices of the Indians. — 
The case is widely different with those who form the immediate object of this 
address. 

The African part of our population, or their ancestors, were brought hither 
forcibly and by violence, in the prosecution of the most abominable traffic that 
ever disgraced the annals of the human race. They were chiefly procured, 
in their native country, as captives in war, taken, and subsequently sold by 
the conqueror as slaves to the slave trader. Sometimes the most atrocious 
practices of kidnapping were employed to obtain possession of the victims. 
Wars were frequent between numerous and barbarous neighbouring tribes 
scattered along the coasts or stretched upon the margin of larga rivers of 
Africa. These wars were often enkindled and prosecuted for no other object 
than to obtain a supply of subjects for this most shocking commerce. In 



( 30 ) 

these modes, husbands were torn from their wives, parents from their children, 
brethren from each otlicr, and every tie cherished and respected among men, 
was violated. Upon the arrival, at the African coast, of tlic unfortunate be- 
ings thus reduced to slavery, they were embarked on board of ships carefully 
constructed and arranged to contain the greatest amount of human beings. — 
Here they were ironed and fastened in parallel rows, and crowded together 
so closely, in loathsome holes, as not to have room for action or for breathing 
wholesome air. The great aim was to transport the largest possible number, 
at the least possible charge, from their native land to the markets for which 
they were destined. The greediness of cupidity was frequently disappoint- 
ed and punished in its purposes, by the loss of moitics of whole cargoes of the 
subjects of this infamous commerce, from want and suffering and disease on 
the voyage. How much happier were they who thus expired, than their mise- 
rable survivors ! 

These African slaves were brought to the continent of America, and tho 
Islands adjacent to it, and formed tho parent stock of the race now amongst 
us. They were brought to the colonics, now constituting the United States, 
under the sanction and by the authority of BritisJi laws, whicli, at an early 
period of our colonial existence, admitted and tolerated the trade. It is due 
to our colonial ancestors to say, tliat they frequently and earnestly, but unsuc- 
cessfully, remonstrated to the British Crown against the continuance of the 
practice. The introduction of slavery into this covnitry is not, tlierefore, 
chargeable to them, but to a government in wliich they had no voice, and 
over which they had no control. It is equally due to our parent state to ad- 
vert to the honorable fact, tliat, in the midst of the Revolutionary war, when 
contending for her own independence and liberty, she evinced the sincerity of 
the spirit in which those remonstrauces had been addressed to the British 
throne, by denouncing under tlie severest penalties, the further prosecution of 
the slave trade, within her jurisdiction. And I add,- with great satisfaction, 
that the Congress of the United States i)assed an act, abolishing the trade as 
early as by their constitution it was authorised to do. On the second day of 
March, li;07, the act was passed, for which it was my happy lot to vote, the 
first section of which enacts, " That from and after the first day of January, 
1808, it shall not be lawful to import or bring into the United States, or the 
territories thereof, from any foreign kingdom, place or country, any negro, 
mulatto, or person of color, with intent to hold, sell or dispose of such negro, 
mulatto or person of color, as a slave, or to be held to service or labour." — 
Thus terminated, we may hope forever, in the United States, a disgraceful 
traffic, which drew after it a train of enormities surpassing in magnitude, 
darkness, and duration, any that ever sprang from any trade pushed by the 
enterprise or cupidity of man. 

The United States, as a nation, are not responsible for the original intro- 
duction, or the subsequent continuance of the slave trade. Whenever, as has 
often happened, their character has been assailed in foreign countries, and by 
foreign writers, on account of the institution of slavery among us, the justness 
of that vindication has been admitted by the candid, which transfers to a fo- 
reign government the origin of the evil. Nor are the United States, as a 
sovereign power, responsible for the continuance of slavery within their lim- 
its, posterior to the establishment of their Independence ; because by neither 
the articles of confederation, nor by the present constitution, had they power 
to put an end to it by the adoption of any system of emancipation. But from 
that epoch, the responsibility of the several states in which slavery was tole- 
rated commenced, and on them devolved the momentous duty of considering 
whether the evil of African slavery is incurable, or admits of a safe and prac- 
tical remedy. In performing it, they ought to reflect, that if when a given 
remedy is presented to their acceptance, instead of a due examination and 
deliberate consideration of it, they promptly reject it, and manifest an impa- 
tience whenever a suggestion is made of any plan to remove the evil, they 



(31 ) 

will expose themselves to the reproach of yielding to the illusions of self-inte- 
rest, and of insincerity in the professions which they so often make of a de- 
sire to get rid of slavery. It is a great misfortune, growing out of the actual 
condition of tlie several states, some being exempt, and others liable to this 
evil, tliat tliey are too prone to misinterpret the views and wishes of each other 
in respect to it. The North and the South and the West, when they under- 
stand each other well, must be each convinced, that no other desire is enter- 
tained towards the others by any one of them, than for their welfare and pros- 
perity. If the question were submitted, whether there should be eitlier imme- 
diate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the United States, without 
their removal or colonization, painful as it is to express the opinion, I have na 
doubt that it would be unwise to emancipate them. For I believe, that the 
aggregate of the evils which would be engendered in society, upon the sup- 
position of such general emancipation, and of the liberated slaves remaining 
promiscuously among us, would be greater than all the evils of slavery, great 
as they unquestionably are. 

The several States of the Union were sensible of the responsibility which 
accrued to them, on the establishment of the independence of the United 
States, in regard to the subject of slavery. And many of them, beginning 
at a period prior to the termination of the Revolutionary war, by successive 
but distinct acts of legislation, have effectively provided for the abolition of 
slavery, within their respective jurisdictions. More than thirty years ago 
an attempt was made in this Commonwealth, to adopt a system of gradual 
emancipation, similar to that which the illustrious Franklin had mainly con- 
tributed to introduce, in the year 1779, in the state founded by the benevo- 
lent Penn. And, among the acts of my life, which I look back to with most 
satisfaction, is that of my having co-operated with other zealous and intelli- 
gent friends, to procure the establishment of that system in this state. We 
believed that the sum of good which would have been attained by the State 
of Kentucky, in a gradual emancipation of her slaves, at that period, would 
have far transcended the aggragate of mischief which might have resulted 
to herself and the Union together, from the gradual liberation of them, and 
their dispersion and residence in tlie United States. We were overpowered 
by numbers,jbut submitted to the decision of the majority, with the grace 
which the minority, in a Republic, should ever yield to such a decision. I 
have, nevertheless, never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a decision, 
the effects of which have been to place us in the rear of our neighbours, who 
are exempt from slavery, in the state of agriculture, the progress of manu- 
factures, the advance of improvement, and the general prosperity of society. 

Other States, in which slavery exists, have not been unmindful of its evils, 
nor indifferent to an adequate remedy for their removal. But, most of them 
have hitiierto reluctantly acquiesced in the continuance of these evils, be- 
cause they thought they saw no practical scheme for their removal, which 
was free from insuperable objection and difficulty. Is there then really no 
suck remedy ? Must we endure, perpetually, all the undoubted mischiefs of 
the state of slavery, as it affects botli the free and bond portions of the popu- 
lation of these States? Already the slaves maybe estimated at two mil- 
lions, and the free population at ten, the former being in the proportion of 
one to five of the latter. Their respective numbers will probably duplicate 
in periods of thirty-three years. In the year '63 the number of the whites 
will probably be twenty, and of the blacks four millions ; in ninety-six, forty 
and eight, and the year 1929, about a century, eighty and sixteen millions. 
What mind is sufficiently extensive in its reach, what nerves sufficiently 
strong, to contemplate this vast and progressive augmentation, without an 
awful foreboding of the tremendous consequences .'' If the two descriptions 
of population were equally spread and intermingled over the whole surface of 
the United States, their diffusion might diminish the danger of their action 



(32) 

and corrupting influence upon each other. But this Is not the state of the 
fact. The slaves of the United States are chiefly restricted to one quarter of 
the Union, which may be described with sufficient general accuracy, by a 
boundary, beginning with the mouth of the Potomac river, extending to its 
liead, thence to the Ohio river, and down it and the Mississippi, to the Gulph 
of Mexico, and with that and the Atlantic ocean and the Bay of Chesapeake 
to the beginning. Marjland, Delaware, Missouri, a part of Louisiana and 
Arkansas, compose the whole of the residue of the slave district of the Unit- 
ed States. Within those limits all our slaves arc concentrated : and, within a 
portion of them, irresistible causes tend inevitably to their further concentra- 
tion. In one of the States comj)rised within these limits, the slave stock had, 
at the last census, the superiority in numbers, whilst, in several others the 
enumeration exhibits the two races in pretty nearly etjual proportions. 

Time alone, which unveils every thing, permitted men to see, can disclose 
the consequences, now wrapt in futurity, of the state of things which I have 
slightly touched. But, without violating his prerogative, we may venture to 
catch, in anticipation, a glimpse of some of them. 

The humanity of the slave States of the Union has prompted them greatly 
to meliorate the condition of slaves. They are protected, in all instances, by 
just laws, from injury extending to their lives, and in many from cruelty ap- 
plied to their persons. Public opinion has done even more than the laws in 
elevating their condition in the scale of human existence. In this state, as 
well as in others, they are treated with much kindness, and abundantly sup- 
plied with substantial food of meat and bread and vegetables, and comfortable 
clothing, whilst they are moderately tasked in labour. But still they are sub- 
ject to many civil disabilities, and there is a vast space between them and the 
race of freemen. Our laws continue to regard them as property, and, conse- 
quently, as instruments of labour, bound to obey the njandate of others. As 
a mere labourer, the slave feels that he toils for his master and not for himself; 
that the laws do not recognize his capacity to acquire and hold property, 
which depends altogether upon the pleasure of his proprietor ; and that all the 
fruits of his exertions are reaped by others. He knows that, whether sick or 
well, in times of scarcity or abundance, his master is bound to provide for 
him, by the all-powerful influence of the motive of self-interest. He is gene- 
erally, therefore, indifterent to the adverse or prosperous fortunes of his mas- 
ter, being contented, if he can escape his displeasure or chastisement, by a 
careless and slovenly jierformance of his duties. 

This is the state of the relation of master and slave, prescribed by the law 
of its nature, and founded in the reason of things. There are undoubtedly 
many exceptions, in which the slave dedicates himself to his master with a 
zealous and generous devotion, and the master to the slave with a parental 
and aff"ectionatc attachment. But it is not my purpose to speak of those 
particular though endearing instances of mutual regard, but of the general 
state of the unfortunate relation. 

That labour is best, if it can be commanded, in which the labourer knows 
that he will derive the profits of his industry ; that his employment depends 
. upon his diligence, and his reward upon his assiduity. He has then every 
motive to excite him to exertion, and to animate him in yjerseverance — 
He knows that if he is treated badly he can exchange his employer for one 
who will better estimate his service ; that he does not entirely depend upon 
another's beck and nod, and that whatever he earns is Ids, to be distributed 
by himself, as he pleases, among his wife and children and friends, or enjoyed 
by himself. He feels, in a word, that he is a free agent, with rights and priv- 
ileges and sensibilities. 

Wiierever the option exists to employ, at an equal hire, free or slave labour, 
the former will be decidedly preferred, for the reasons already assigned. It is 
more capable, more diligent, more faithful ; and, in every respect, worthy of 



(33) 

more confidence. In the first settlement of gome countries, or communities, 
capital may be unable to command the free labour which it wants, and it may, 
therefore, purchase that of slaves. Such was and yet is the condition of ma- 
ny parts of the United States. But there are others, and they are annually 
increasing' in extent, in which the labour of freemen can be commanded at a 
rate quite as cheap as that of slaves, in States which tolerate slavery. 

Although in particular States, or parts of States, the increase of the African 
portion of the population would seem to be greater than that of the European 
stock, this fact is believed to be susceptible of an explanation, from the ope- 
ration of causes of emigration, which would not assign to it greater prolific 
powers. On the contrary, all the enumerations of the people of the United 
States sustain clearly the position, that, contrasting the whole European race 
throughout the Union with the whole of the African race, bond and free, also 
throughout the Union, the former multiplies faster than the latter. As time 
elapses our numbers will augment, our deserts become peopled, and our coun- 
try will become as densely populated as its agricultural, manufacturing, and 
commercial faculties will admit. In proportion to the density of population 
are the supply and the wages of labour. The demand for labour also increa- 
ses with the augmentation of numbers, though probably not in the same pro- 
portion. Assuming our present population at twelve millions, when it shall 
be increased, as in about thirty years it will be, to twenty-four millions, wo 
ehall have double the amount of available labor that we can command at 
present. And there will consequently be a great, though probably not pro- 
portionate, reduction in the wages of labour. As the supply of labourers in- 
creases, a competition will arise between, not only individuals, but classes for 
employment. The superior qualities which have been attributed to free la- 
bour will insure for that the preference, wherever the alternative is presented 
of engaging free or slave labour, at an equal price. This competition, and 
the preference for white labour, are believed to be already discernable in parts 
of Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, and probably existed in Pennsylvania 
and other States north of Maryland, prior to the disappearance of slaves from 
among them. The march of the ascendancy of free labour over slave, will 
proceed from the North to the South, gradually entering first the States near- 
est to the free region. Its progress would be more rapid, if it were not impe- 
ded by the check resulting from the repugnance of the white man to work 
among slaves, or where slavery is tolerated. 

In proportion to the multiplication of the descendants of the European 
stock, and the consequent diminution of the value of slave labour, by the 
general diminution of wages, will there be an abatement m the force of mo- 
tives to rear slaves. The master will not find an adequate indemnity in the 
price of the adult for the charges of maintaining and bringing up the ofT- 
spring. His care and attention will relax ; and he will be indifferent about 
incurring expenses when they are sick, and in providing for their general com- 
fort, when ire knows that he will not be ultimately compensated. There 
may not be numerous instances of positive violation of the duties of humani- 
ty, but every one knows the diff'erence between a negligence, which is not 
criminal, and a watchful vigilance stimulated by interest, which allows no 
want to be unsupplied. The effect of this relaxed attention to the offspring 
will be to reduce the rates of general increase of the slave portion of our pop- 
ulation, whilst that of the other race, not subject to the same neglect, will in- 
crease and fill up the void. A still greater effect, from the diminution of the 
value of labour, will be that of voluntary emancipations ; the master being 
now anxious to relieve himself from a burtJien, without profit, by renouncing 
his right of property. One or two facts will illustrate some of these principles. 
Prior to the annexation of Louisiana to the United States the supply of 
slaves from Africa was abundant. The price of adults was generally about 
$100, a price less than the cost of raising an infant. Then it was beheved 
5 



( 34) 

that the climate of that province was unfavorable to the rearing of negro 
children, and comparatively few were raised. After the United States abol- 
ished the slave trade, the price of adults rose very considerably, greater atten- 
tion was consequently bestowed on their children, and now no where is the 
African female more prolific than she is in Louisiana, and the climate of no 
one of the Southern States is supposed to be more favorable to rearing the 
offspring. The serfs of Russia possess a market value inferior to that of the 
African slaves of the U. States ; and, althougli the lord is not believed to be 
bound to provide for the support of his dependent, as the American master is 
for his slave, voluntary manumissions of the serf arc very frequent, influenced 
in some degree no doubt by his inconsiderable value. 

What has tended to sustain the price of slaves in the U. States has been, 
that very fact of the acquisition of Louisiana, but especially the increasing 
demand for cotton, and the consequent increase of its cultivation. The 
price of cotton, a much more extensive object of culture than sugar cane, 
regulates the price of slaves as unerringly as any one subject whatever is 
regulated by any standard. As it rises in price, they rise ; as it falls, they 
fall. But the multiplication of slaves, by natural causes, must soon be much 
greater than the increase of the demand for them ; to say nothing of the pro- 
gressive decline which has taken place, in that great Southern staple, with- 
in a few years, and which there is no reason to believe will be permanently 
arrested. Whenever the demand for the cultivation of sugar and cotton 
comes to be fully supplied, the price of slaves will begin to decline, and as 
that demand cannot possibly keep pace with the supply, the price will decline 
more and more. Farming agriculture cannot sustain it ; for it is believed 
that no where in the farming portion of the U. States would slave labour be 
generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise slaves by the 
high price of the Southern market, which keeps it up in his own. 

Partial causes may retard the decline in the value of slaves. The tenden- 
cy of slaves is to crowd into those countries or districts, if not obstructed by 
the policy of States, where their labour is most profitably employed. This is 
the law of their nature, as it is the general law of all capital and labor. The 
slave trade has not yet been effectively stopt in the Island of Cuba. When- 
ever it is, as slaves can be there more profitably employed, on more valuable 
products than in the U. States, and as the supply there is much below the 
demand which will arise out of the susceptibilities of the island for agricultu- 
ral produce, they will rise in price much higher there than in the U. S. If 
the laws do not forbid it, vast numbers will be exported to that island. And 
if they do prohibit it, many will be smuggled in, tempted by the high prices 
which they will bear. 

But neitiier this, nor any other conceivable cause, can for any length of 
time, check the fall in the value of slaves to which they are inevitably desti- 
ned. W^e have seen that, as slaves diminish in price, the motive of the pro- 
prietors of them to rear the offspring will abate, that consequent neglect in 
providing for their wants will ensue, and consequent voluntary emancipation 
will take place. That adult slaves will, in process of time, sink in value even 
below a hundred dollars each, I have not a doubt. This result may not be 
brought about by the termination of the first period of their duplication, but 
that it will come, at some subsequent, and not distant period, I think perfectly 
clear. Whenever the price of the adult shall be less than the cost of raising 
him from infancy, what inducement will the proprietor of the parent have to 
incur that expense .'' In such a state of things, it will be in vain that the laws 
prohibit manumission. No laws can be enibrced or will be respected, the ef- 
fect of which, is the ruin of those on whom they operate. In spite of all their 
penalties, the liberation or abandonment of slaves will take place. 

As the two races progressively multiply and augment the source of supply 
of labor, its wages will diminish, and the preference already noticed will be 



(35 ) 

given of free to slave labor. But another effect will also arise. There will 
be not only a competition between the two races for employment, but a strug- 
gle, not perceptible perhaps to the superficial observer, for a subsistance. In 
such a stouj^ijle the stronger and more powerful race will prevail. And as 
the law wliich regulates the state of population in any given community, is 
derived from the quantity of its subsistence, the further consequence would 
be an insensible decline in the increase of the weaker race. Pinched by want 
and neglected by their masters, who would regard them as a burthen, they 
would be stimulated to the commission of crimes, and especially those of a 
petty description. 

When we consider the cruelty of the origin of negro slavery, its nature, 
the character of the free institutions of the whites, and the irresistible pro- 
gress of public opinion, throughout America as well as in Europe, it is im- 
possible not to anticipate frequent insurrections among the blacks in the 
United States. They are rational beings like ourselves, capable of feeling, 
of reflection and of judging of what naturally belongs to them as a portion of 
the human race. By the very condition of the relation which subsists be- 
tween us, we are enemies of each other. They know well the wrongs which 
their ancestors suffered at the hands of our ancestors, and the wrongs which 
they believe they continue to endure, although they may be unable to avenge 
them. They are kept in subjection only by the superior intelligence and su- 
perior power of the predominant race. Their brethren have been liberated 
in- every part of the continent of America, except in the United States and the 
Brazils. I have just seen an act of the President of the Republic of the 
United Mexican States, dated no longer ago than the 15th of September 
last, by which the whole of them in that Republic have been emancipated. 
A great effort is now making in Great Britain, which tends to the same ul- 
timate effect, in regard to the negro slaves in the British West Indies. 

Happily for us no such insurrection can ever be attended with permanent 
success, as long as our Union endures. It would be speedily suppressed by 
the all-powerful means of the United States; and, it would be the madness 
of despair in the blacks that should attempt it. But if attempted in some 
parts of the United States, what shocking scenes of carnage, rapine, and 
lawless violence might not be perpetrated before tlie arrival at the theatre of 
action of a competent force to quell it ! And after it was put down, what 
other scenes of military rigour and bloody executions would not be indispen- 
sably nececessary to punish the insurgents, and impress their whole race with 
the influence of a terrible example ! 

Of all the descriptions of our population, and of either portion of the Afri- 
can race, the free people of color are, by far, as a class, the most corrupt, 
depraved and abandoned. There are many honourable exceptions among 
them, and I take pleasure in bearing testimony to some I know. It is not 
so much their fault as the consequence of their anomalous condition. Place 
ourselves, ])lace any men in the like predicament, and similar effects would 
follow. They are not slaves, and yet they are not free. — The laws, it is 
true, proclaim them free ; but prejudices, more powerful than any laws, 
deny them the privileges of freemen. They occupy a middle station between 
the free white population and the slaves of the United States, and the ten- 
dency of their habits is to corrupt both. They crowd our large cities, where 
those who will work can best procure suitable employment, and where those 
who addict themselves to vice, can best practice and conceal their crimes. If 
the vicious habits and propensities of this class were not known to every man 
of attentive observation, they would be demonstrated by the unerring test of 
the census. According to the last enumeration of the inhabitants of the 
United States it appeared that the rate of its annual increase was only about 
two and a half per cent, whilst that of the other classes was about three. 
No other adaquate cause for this disproportion can be assigned, but that of the 



(36) 

improvidence and vices of the class referred to. If previous enumerations ex- 
hibited different results, they were owing chiefly to the accession of numbers, 
wliicli it received by the acquisition of Louisiana, and the events of St. Do- 
mingo. But, if the reasoning which I have before employed be correct, this 
class is destined by voluntary manumission or abandonment, to increase, 
and ultimately perhaps to be more numerous in the United States, than 
their brethren in bondage, if there be no provision for their removal to ano- 
ther country. 

Is there no remedy, I again ask, for the evils of which I have sketched a 
faint and imperfect picture? Is our posterity doomed to endure forever not 
only all the ills flowing from the state of slavery, but all whicli arise from in- 
congruous elements of population, separated from each other by invincible 
prejudices, and by natural causes? Whatever may be the character of the 
remedy proposed, we may confidently pronounce it inadequate, unless it pro- 
vides efficaciously for the total and absolute separation, by an extensive 
space of water or of land, at least, of the white portion of our population 
from that which is free of the colored. 

This brings me to the consideration of the particular scheme of the Amer- 
ican Colonization Society, to which this is auxiliary. That scheme does not 
owe the first conception of its design to any individuals, by whose agency 
the Society was first constituted. Several of them, and especially tlie late 
Rev. Mr. Finley, of New Jersey, and Mr. Caldwell, of the District of Colum- 
bia, were entitled to great praise for their spirited exertions in the formation 
and organization of the Society. But the original conception of such a pro- 
ject is to be traced to a date long anterior to their laudable eflbrts on this 
subject. However difficult it might have been supposed to be in the execu- 
tion, it was an obvious remedy, and the suggestion of it may be referred back 
to a period as remote as the Revolutionary war. The State of Virginia, al- 
ways pre-eminent in works of benevolence, prior to the formation of the 
American Colonization Society, by two distinct acts of ' ^ Legislature, se- 
parated by intervals of time of sufficient length to imp?^. Aill deliberation, ex- 
pressed her approbation of the plan of Colonization. 

In considering the project of the American Colonization Society, our first 
inquiry should bo into what it really is — then what it has done ; and, finally, 
what it is capable of achieving. It is a voluntary association, formed for 
benevolent purposes, as must be freely acknowledged by all, if they should 
even prove the experiment to be impracticable. Its aim is to transport to 
the Western shores of Africa, from the United States, all such free persons 
of color as choose voluntarily to go. From its origin, and throughout the 
whole period of its existence, it has constantly disclaimed all intention what- 
ever of interfering, in the smallest degree, with the rights of property, or the 
object of emancipation, gradual or immediate. It is not only without incli- 
nation, but it is without power, to make any such interference. It is not 
even a chartered or incorporated company ; and it has no other foundation 
than that of Bible Societies, or any other Christian or charitable unincorpo- 
rated companies in our country. It knows that the subject of emancipation 
belongs exclusively to the several States in which slavery is tolerated, and 
to individual proprietors of slaves in those States, under and according to 
their laws. It hopes, indeed, (and I trust that there is nothing improper or 
oS'ensive in the hope) that if it shall demonstrate the practicability of the 
successful removal to Africa, of free persons of color, with their own con- 
sent, the cause of emancipation, eitlier by States or by individuals, may be 
incidentally advanced. That hope is founded not only on the true interest 
of both races of our population, but upon the assertion, so repeatedly made, 
that the great obstacle to emancipation arose out of the difficulty of a proper 
<lisposal of manumitted slaves. Its pecuniary means, applicable to the de- 
sign of the Institution, are voluntarily contributed by benevolent States or 



(37 ) 

individuals. Tho States of Virginia and Maryland, besides numerous pious 
or generous persons throughout the United States, have aided the Society. 

Such was the object of the American Colonization Society, organized at 
the City of Washington about tliirteen years ago. Auxiliary institutions have 
been formed, in various parts of the Union, to aid and co-operate with the 
parent association, which have limited their exertions chiefly to the trans- 
mission to the Treasurer of the Society, of such funds as they could collect, 
by the voluntary contributions of benevolent and charitable individuals. The 
auxiliary society for the state of Kentucky, which I now address, was orga- 
nized at the commencement of the present year. 

The American Colonization Society, so constituted, with such objects and 
such means, shortly after its formation, went into operation. It transacts its 
business at home, principally through a Board of Managers, which for the 
sake of convenience is fixed in the Metropolis of the Union, and in Africa, 
through an agent abiding there and acting under instructions received from 
the Board. The Society has an annual session in the City of Washington, 
which is attended by its members, and by representatives from such of the 
auxiliary institutions as can conveniently depute them, at which sessions the 
Board of Managers makes a report of the general condition of the atfairs of 
the Society, during the previous year. 

It would be an inexcusable trespass upon your time to enter into a minute 
narrative of all the transactions of the Society from its commencement up to 
this time. Those who choose to examine them particularly, will find them 
recorded in the several reports of the Board of Managers, which from time 
to time have been published under its direction and autliority. It will suffice 
at present to say, that one of the earliest acts of the Society was to despatch 
a competent agent to Africa, to explore its coast and the countries bordering 
upon them, and to select a suitable spot for the establishment of the contem- 
plated colony. The Society was eminently fortunate in the choice of its 
agent, as it has been generally in those whom it subsequently engaged in its 
service. A selection was finally made of a proper district of country, a pur- 
chase was effected of it from the native authorities, [in December, 1822,] to 
which additions have been made as the growing wants of the colony, actual 
or anticipated, required. The country so acquired, upon terms as moderate 
as those on which the Government of the Union extinguishes tho Indian ti- 
tle to soil within the United States, embra9es large tracts of fertile land, ca- 
pable of yielding all the rich and varied products of the tropics, possesses 
great commercial advantages, with an extent of sea coast from 150 to 200 
miles, and enjoys a salubrious climate, well adapted to the negro constitu- 
tion, and not so fatal to that of the whites as many thickly peopled parts of 
the United States. 

Within that district of country, the Society founded its colony, under the 
denomination of Liberia, established towns, laid off plantations for the colo- 
nists, and erected military works for their defence. Annually, and as often 
as the pecuniary circumstances of the Society would admit, vessels from the 
ports of the United States have been sent to Liberia, laden with emigrants 
and with utensils, provisions and other objects for their comfort. No diffi- 
culty has been experienced in obtaining as many colonists as the means of 
of the Society were competent to transport. They have been found indeed, 
altogether inadequate to accommodate all who were willing and anxious to 
go. The rate of expense of transportation and subsistence during the voy- 
age, per head, was greater in tho earlier voyages. It was subsequently re- 
duced to about $20, and is believed to be susceptible of considerable further 
reduction. The number of colonists, of both sexes, amounts now to about 
1500. 

The Colony, in the first period of its existence, had some collisions with the 
native tribes, which rose to such a height as to break out in open war^ Tho 



( 38 ) 

war was conducted by the late gallant Mr. Aslimun, with singular good judg- 
ment and fortune, and was speedily brought to a successful close. It had 
the effect to impress upon the natives, a high idea of the skill, bravery and 
power of the colonists, and having since become bettor acquainted with them, 
perceived the advantages of the Colony, and gradually acquired a taste for its 
commerce and arts, no further misunderstanding with them is apprehended, 
and the Colony is daily acquiring a salutary influence over them. 

The Colony has a government adequate to the protection of the rights of 
persons and property, and to the preservation of order. The agent of the so- 
ciety combines the functions of governor, commander-in-chief, and highest 
judicial ofBcer. The colonists share in the government, and elect various 
officers necessary to the administration. The appoint annually Boards or 
Committees of Public Works, of agriculture and of health, which are charged 
with the superintendance of those important interests. It has established 
schools for the instruction of youth, and erected houses of public worship, in 
which divine service is regularly performed. And it has a public library of 
twelve hundred volumes, and a printing press, which issues periodically a 
gazette. 

The colonists follow the mechanical arts, or agriculture, or commerce, as 
their inclinations or attainments prompt them. The land produces rice, cas- 
sada, coffee, potatoes, and all kinds of garden vegetables ; and is capable of 
yielding sugar cane, indigo, in short, all the productions of the Tropics. It 
is rich, easily tilled, and yields two crops of many articles in the circle of a 
year. They carry on an advantageous commerce with the natives by exchan- 
ges for ivory, gums, dye-stuffs, drugs and other articles of African origin ; and 
with the United States, which is annually increasing, and which amounted 
last year to $60,000, in the produce of the colony, and in objects acquired by 
their traffic with the natives ; receiving, in return, such supplies of American 
and other manufactures as are best adapted to their wants. 

Such is the present condition of the Colony, according to the latest intelli- 
gence. Here the Society may pause, and with its pious and enlightened pat- 
rons and a generous public, look back with proud satisfaction, on the work, 
which, with the blessings of Providence, has so prospered. That, in its pro- 
gress, it has met with obstacles and experienced discouragements, is most true. 
What great human undertaking was ever exempt from them ? Its misfor- 
tunes in Africa have been similai*in character, though it is confidently be- 
lieved, less in degree, than those which generally attend the establishment of 
distant colonies, in foreign lands, amidst ignorant and untutored savages. — 
A large portion of the deaths which have taken place may be attributed to 
rash exposure, and other imprudencies, under an untried sun, and subject to 
the action of a strange climate. But the Colony can triumphantly exhibit its 
bills of mortality, in comparison with those of other colonies, in their early 
foundation, on this or any other continent. And experience justifies the hope, 
that the instances of mortality will constantly diminish with the augmented 
population, means and strength of the colony. 

But at home, in the parent country, here in the United States, notwithstan- 
ding the concurrence of so many powerful motives recommending success to 
tlie exertions of the society, has it met with the most serious opposition and 
bitter denunciation. At one time, it has been represented as a scheme to forge 
stronger and perpetual chains for the slaves among us. Then, that it had a 
covert aim to emancipate them all immediately, and throw them, with all their 
imperfections loose upon society. Those who judged less unfavorably of the 
purposes of the institution, pronounced it a bright vision, impracticable in its 
means and Utopian in its end. There is unfortunately, in every community, 
a class not small, who, devoid themselves of the energy necessary to achieve 
any noble enterprise, and affecting to penetrate with deeper sagacity into the 
projects of others, pronounce their ultimate failure, with self-complacency, 



( 39 ) 

and challenge by anticipation, the merit of prophetic wisdom. Unmoved by 
these erroneous and unfriendly views, the Society, trusting to the vindication 
which time and truth never fail to bring, has proceeded steadily and perseve- 
ringly in its great work. It has not been deceived. It has every where 
found some generous patrons and ardent friends. The Legislatures of more 
than half the states of this enlightened Union, among which I am happy to 
be able to mention our own, have been pleased to express their approbation 
of the scheme. It has conciliated the cordial support of the pious clergy of 
every denomination in the United States. It has been countenanced and 
aided by that fair sex, which is ever prompt to contribute its exertions in 
works of charity and benevolence, because it always acts from the generous 
impulses of pure and uncorrupted hearts. And the Society enrolls amongst 
its members and patrons, some of the most distinguished men of our country, 
in its Legislative, Executive and Judicial councils. We should be'guilty of 
an unpardonable omission, if we did not on this occasion, mingle our regrets 
with those of the whole people of these states, on account of a lamented death 
of one of them, which has recently occurred. He was the President of the 
American Colonization Society from its origin, and throughout the entire pe- 
riod of its existence. Like the Father of his country, his illustrious relative, 
whose name he bore and whose affection he enjoyed, he was mild and gentle, 
firm and patriotic. The Bench, of which he was an ornament, and the Bar 
of which he was the delight, feeling his great loss, deeply share with us all 
in the grief which it produces. 

The Society presents to the American public no project of emancipation, 
no new chains for those who are unhappily in bondage, no scheme that is im- 
practicable. It has no power, and it seeks none. It employs no compulsion, 
and it desires to employ none. It addresses itself solely to the understanding; 
its revenue flows from spontaneous grants, and all its means and agents and 
objects are voluntary. 

The Society believes it is within the compass of reasonable exertions to 
transport annually to the colony of Liberia, a number of free persons of co- 
lor, with their own voluntary consent, equal to the annual increase of all that 
class in the United States. That annual increase, estimated according to the 
return of the last census, from the parent stock of 233,530, al a rate of ang- 
mentation of 2 1-2 per cent, per annum, may be stated to be 6000. Estima- 
ting the whole expense of the voyage at $20 per head, the total cost of their 
transportation will be $120,000. Is this sum of such an appalling amount as 
to transcend the ability of the people of the United States ? All admit the 
utility of the separation of the free people of color from the residue of the 
population of the United States, if it be practicable. It is desirable for them, 
for the slaves of the United States, and for the white race. Here invincible 
prejudices exclude them from the enjoyment of the society of the whites, and 
deny them all the advantages of freemen. The bar, the pulpit, and our legis- 
lative halls are shut to them, by the irrcsistable force of public sentiment. — 
No talents however great, no piety however pure and devoted, no patriotism 
however ardent, can secure their admission. They constantly hear the ac- 
cents, and behold the triumphs, of a liberty which here they can never enjoy. 
In all the walks of society, on every road which lies before others to honor 
and fame and glory, a moral incubus pursues and arrests them, paralyzing all 
the energies of the soul, and repressing every generous emotion of laudable 
ambition. Their condition is worse than that of the fabled Tantalus, who 
could never grasp the fruits and water which seemed within his reach. And 
when they die 

" Memory o'er their tomb no trophies raises.^' 

Why should sucli an unfortunate class desire to remain among us f Why 
should they not wish to go to the country of their forefathers, where, in the 



(40 ) 

language of the eloquent Irish barrister, they would " stand redeemed, regen- 
erated and disenthralled by the mighty genius of universal emancipation." 

The vices of this class do not spring from any inherent depravity in their 
natural constitution, but from their unfortunate situation. Social intercourse 
is a want which we are prompted to gratify I)y all the properties of our na- 
ture. And as they cannot obtain it in the better circles of society, nor always 
among themselves, they resort to slaves, and to the most debased and worth- 
less of the whites. Corruption, and all the train of petty oft'ences, are the 
consequences. Proprietors of slaves in whose neighbourhood any free color- 
ed family is situated, know how infectious and pernicious this intercourse is. 
And the penal records of the tribunals, especially in the large cities, bear 
frightful testimony to the disproportionate number of crimes committed by 
the free people of color. The evil of their increase in those cities is so enor- 
mous as to call loudly for effective remedy. It has been so sensibly felt in a 
neighbouring city (Cincinnati) as to require, in the opinion of the public au- 
thorities, the enforcement of the vigorous measure of expulsion of all who 
could not give guaranties of their good behaviour. Their congregation in 
our great capitals has given rise to a new crime, perpetrated by unprincipled 
whites, and of which persons of that unhappy colored race are the victims. — 
A New-York paper of the 27th ult. but lately fell into my iiands, in which I 
found the following articles : " Beware of kidnappers ! It is well understood 
that there is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in 
their vocation of stealing colored children for the Southern market ! It is be- 
lieved that three or four have been stolen within as many days. A little ne- 
gro boy came to this city from the country three or four days ago. Some 
strange white persons were very friendly to him, and yesterday morning he 
was mightily pleased that they had given him some new clothes. And the 
persons pretending thus to befriend him, entirely secured his coulidencc. This 
day he cannot be found. Nor can he bo traced since seen with one of his 
now friends yesterday. There are suspicions of a foul nature, connected with 
fiomc who serve the police in subordinate capacities. It is hinted that there 
may be those in some authority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical 
practices. Let the public be on their guard." To which the editor of the 
paper from which this quotation is made, appends the following remarks : — 
" It is still fresh in the memories of all, that a cargo or rather drove of ne- 
groes was made up from this city and Philadelphia, about the time that the 
emancipation of all the negroes in this state took place under our present 
constitution, and were taken through Virginia, the Carolinas, and Tennessee, 
and disposed of in the state of Mississippi. Some of those who were taken 
from Philadelphia were persons of intelligence, and after they had been driv- 
en through the country in chains, and disposed of by sale on the Mississippi, 
wrote back to their friends, and were rescued from bondage. The persona 
who were guilty of this abominable transaction are known, and now reside 
in the state of North Carolina, and very probably may be engaged in similar 
enterprises at the present time — at least there is reason to believe, that the 
system of kidnapping free persons of color from the Northern cities, has been 
carried on more extensively than the public are generally aware of." 

Whilst the concurrence is unanimous as to the propriety of the separation 
of the free colored race, and their removal to some other country, if it be prac- 
ticable, opinions are divided as to the most proper place of their destination. 
Some prefer Hayti, others to set apart a district beyond the Rocky Mountains, 
within the limits of the territory of the United States, whilst much the larger 
number concur in the superior advantage of the plan of the American Colo- 
nization Soeiety. The Society opposes no other scheme. All other projects, 
if they are executed, are perfectly compatible with its own, and it wishes 
them full success. The more drains the better for this portion of our popula- 
tion. It would only deprecate the result of a distraction of the public atten- 



( 41 ) 

Hon amidst a variety of proposals, and a consequent failure to concentrate the 
energies of tlie community on any one of them. 

Hayti is objectionable as the sole place of their removal on various ac- 
counts. It it too limited in its extent. Although a large island, containing 
considerable quantities of unsettled land, it is incompetent as an asylum, 
during any great length of time, for the free persons of color of the United 
States. It possesses no advantage, either in the salubrity of its climate, or 
the fertility of its soil, over the Western Coast of Africa. The productions 
of both countries are nearly the same. Tiie expense of transportation to 
the one or to the other, is nearly the same. The emigrants would be in a 
state of dependence on the present inhabitants of the island, who have more 
mtelligence and have made greater advances in civilization, and moreover 
possess all the power of the government. They speak a different language. 
It should not be the policy of the United States, when they consider the 
predominant power of the island, and its vicinity to the Southern states, to 
add strengtji to it. And finally, Hayti is destitute of some of those high mo- 
ral considerations which belong to the foundation of a colony in Africa. 

The country west of the Rocky Mountains, is also objectionable on seve- 
ral grounds. The expense of transportation of emigrants to it, whether by 
sea or land, would be incomparably greater than to Africa. They would be 
thrown in the midst of Indian tribes, to whom they are as incongruous as 
with the whites. Bloody and exterminating wars would be the certain con- 
sequence ; and the United States would be bound to incur great expense in 
defending them and preserving peace. Finally, that wave of the European 
race which rose on the borders of the Atlantic, swept over the Alleghany 
Mountains, reached the Mississippi, and ascended the two great rivers which 
unite near St. Louis, will at no distant day pass the Rocky Mountains, and 
strike the Pacific, where it would again produce that very contact between 
discordant races which it is so desirable to avoid. 

The Society has demonstrated the practicability of planting a colony on 
the shores of Africa. Its exertions have been confined exclusively to the 
free colored people of the United States, and to those of them who are wil- 
ling to go. It has neither purpose nor power to extend them to the larger 
portion of that race held in bondage. Throughout the whole period of its 
existence this disclaimer has been made, and incontestible facts establish its 
truth and sincerity. It is now repeated, in its behalf, that the spirit of mis- 
representation may have no pretext for abusing the'public ear. But, al- 
though its scheme is so restricted, the Society is aware, and rejoices that the 
principle of African colonization, which it has developed, admits of wider 
scope and more extensive application, by those states and private individuals, 
who may have the power and the inclination to apply it. 

The slave population of the United States, according to the last returns of 
their census, as was shown more in detail, on another occasion, increased in 
a ratio of about 46,000 per annum. It may, perhaps, now be estimated at 
not less than 50,000. It was said on that occasion : " Let us suppose, for ex- 
ample, that the whole population at present of the United States, is twelve 
millions, of which ten may be estimated of the Anglo Saxon, and two of the 
African race. If there could be annually transported from the United States, 
an amount of the African portion equal to the annual increase of the whole 
of that cast, whilst the European race should be left to multiply, we should 
find, at the termination of the period of duplication, whatever it may be, 
that the relative proportions will be as twenty to two. And if the process 
were continued, during a second term of duplication, the population would 
be as forty to two — one which would eradicate every cause of alarm or soli- 
citude, from the breasts of the most timid. But the transportation of Afri- 
cans, by creating, to the extent to which it might be carried, a vacuum in 
society, would tend to accelerate the duplication of the European race, who, 
6 



(42) 

by all the laws of population, would fill up the void space." To transport to 
Africa fifty thousand persons, would cost one million of dollars upon the es- 
timate before slated. One million of dollars applied annually, during a pe- 
riod of sixty or seventy years, would, at the end of it, so completely drain the 
United States of all that portion of their inhabitants, as not to leave many 
more than those few who are objects of curiosity in the countries of Europe. 
And is that sum, one-tenth part of what the United States now annually ap- 
propriate as a sinking fund, without feeling it, and which will soon not be 
requisite to the extinction of the National debt, capable of producing any 
suffering or creating any impediment in the execution of other great social 
objects of the American communities? — What a vast moral debt to Africa, 
to the world, and to our common God, should we not discharge by the crea- 
tion of a new sinking fund of such a paltry sum ? 

This estimate does not comprehend an}' indemnity to the owners of slaves 
for their value, if they arc to be purchased for the purpose of colonization. It 
is presumable that states or individuals, no longer restrained from the exe- 
cution of their benevolent wish to contribute their endeavours to blot out this 
great stain upon tiie American name, by the consideration of the difficulty of 
a suitable provision for liberated slaves, when they perceive the plan of co- 
lonization in successful operation, will voluntarily manumit many for the 
purpose of their emigration. One of the latest numbers of the National In- 
telligencer, states the fact, that a recent offer had been made of 2000 slaves 
to the Society, to be sent to Liberia, which the want of funds alone preventa 
its accepting. If the reasoning before employed, founded upon the decline 
in value of that description of property, be correct, many will be disposed to 
emancipate from less disinterested motives. From some, or all of these 
sources, and from the free colored population, an amount may be annually 
obtained for the })urposes of colonization, equal to the number of fifty-six 
thousand which has been supposed. As the work of colonization advances, 
the ability of the European race to promote it will increase, both from the 
augmentation of its numbers and of its wealth, and the relative diminution 
of the negro race. And, in the course of the progress of its execution, it 
will not be found a burthensome appropriation of some of the revenue of the 
people of the United States, to purchase slaves, if colonists cannot otherwise 
be obtained. Meanwhile it affords cause of the sincerest gratification, that 
in whatever extent the scheme of African colonization is executed, good 
is attained, without a solitary attendant evil. 

I could not discuss the question of the extent of the respective powers of 
the various governments of this Union, without enlarging this address, al- 
ready too much prolonged, in a most unreasonable degree. That the aggre- 
gate of their total powers is fully adequate to the execution of the plan of 
Colonization, in its greatest extent, is incontestible. How those powers 
have, in fact, been divided and distributed between the General and State 
Governments, is a question for themselves to decide after careful investiga- 
tion and full deliberation. We may safely assume that there are some things 
which each system is competent to perform, towards the accomplishment of 
the great work. The General Government can treat with Foreign powers 
of the security of the Colony, and with the Emperor of Morocco, or other 
African Princes or States, for the acquisition of territory. It may provide in 
the Colony an asylum for natives of Africa introduced into the United States, 
in contravention to their laws, and for their support and protection, as it has 
done. And it may employ portions of our Navy, whilst engaged in practis- 
ing to acquire the needful discipline and skill, or in proceeding to their ap- 
pointed cruising stations, to transport emigrants from the United States to 
the Colony. Can a nobler service, in time of peace, be performed by the 
National flag, than that of transporting under its stars and stripes to the land 
of their ancestors, the sons of injured Africa, there to enjoy the blessings of 



(43) 

oar pure religion and a real liberty ? It can employ the Colony as the best 
and most efficacious instrument of suppressing tlie infamous slave trade. 

Any of the States may apply, in their proper spheres, the powers which they 
possess and the means at their command. Tiiey may remove restraints 
Upon emancipation, imposed from a painful conviction that slavery, with all 
Its undisputed ills, was better than manumission without removal. Such of 
them may, as can safely and justly, abolish slavery and follow the example 
of Pennsylvania, New York, and other states. Any of them can contribute 
some pecuniary aid to the object. And if an enlargement of the Constitu- 
tional powers of the General Government be necessary and expedient, they 
are competent to grant it. 

I have thus, gentlemen, presented a faint and imperfect sketch of what was 
contemplated by the American Colonization Society, to which you form an 
auxiliary, of what it has done, and of what the principle of African Coloni- 
zation, which it has successfully illustrated, is susceptible, with due encour- 
agement, and adequate means, in the hands of competent authority. We 
ought not to be disheartened by the little which has been accomplished, in 
the brief space of eight years during which it has existed, or the magnitude 
and difficulties of the splendid undertaking which lies before us. In the exe- 
cution of those vast schemes which affect the condition and happiness of 
large portions of the habitable globe, time is necessary, which may appear to 
us mortals of long duration, but which in the eyes of Providence, or in com- 
parison with the periods of National existence, is short and fleeting. How 
long was it after Romulus and Remus laid the scanty foundations of their 
little state in the contracted limits of the Peninsula of Italy, before Imperial 
Rome burst forth, in all her astonishing splendour, the acknowledged mis- 
tress of the world ? Ages passed away before Carthage and other colonies 
in ancient times, shone out in all their commercial and military glory. Seve- 
ral centuries have now elapsed since our forefathers first began, in the mo- 
rasses of James river, and the rock of Plymouth, the work of founding this 
Republic, yet in its infancy. Eighteen hundred years have rolled over since 
the Son of God, our blessed Redeemer, offered himself, on Mount Calvary, a 
voluntary sacrifice for the salvation of our species; and more than half of 
mankind continue to deny liis divine mission and the truth of his sacred 
word. 

We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature for the record of 
any human plan, for the melioration of the condition or advancement of the 
happiness of our race, which promised more unmixed good, or more com- 
prehensive beneficence than that of African Colonization, if carried into full 
execution. Its benevolent purpose is not limited by the confines of one con- 
tinent, nor to the prosperity of a solitary race, but embraces two of the largest 
quarters of the earth, and the peace and happiness of both of the descriptions 
of their present inhabitants, with the countless millions of their posterity who 
are to succeed. It appeals for aid and support to the friends of liberty here 
and every where. The colonists, reared in the bosom of this republic, with 
a perfect knowledge of all the blessings which freedom imparts, altho' they 
have not always been able themselves to share them, will carry a recollec- 
tion of it to Africa, plant it there, and spread it over her boundless territory. 
And may we not indulge the hope that, in a period of time not surpassing in 
duration, that of our own colonial and national existence, we shall behold a 
confederation of republican states, on the western shores of Africa, like our 
own, with their congress and annual legislatures thundering forth in behalf 
of the rights of man, and making tyrants tremble on their thrones ? It ap- 
peals for aid and support to the friends of civilization throughout the world. 
Africa, altho' a portion of it was among the first to emerge from barbarism, 
is now greatly in the rear of all the continents, in knowledge, and in the arts 
and sciences. America owes to the old world a debt of gratitude for the pos- 



(44) 

session of them. Can she discharge it in any more suitable manner than that 
of transplanting them on a part of its own soil, by means of its own sons, 
whose ancestors were torn by fraud and violence from their native Jiome and 
thrown here into bondage? It powcrfull}' appeals for support to patriotism 
and humanity. If we were to invoke the greatest blessing on eartii, which 
Heaven, in its mercy, could now bestow on this nation, it would be the sepa- 
ration of the two most numerous races of its population and tiieir comfort- 
able establishment in distinct and distant countries. To say nothing of the 
greatest difficulty in the formation of our present happy constitution, which 
arose out of this mixed condition of our people, nothing of tlie distracting 
Missouri question which was so threatening ; nothing of others, springing 
from the same fruitful source, which yet agitate us, who can contemplate the 
future without the most awful apprehensions ? Who, if this promiscuous re- 
sidence of whites and blacks, of freemen and slaves, is forever to continue, 
can imagine the serv'ile wars, the carnage and the crimes which will be its 
probable consequences, without shuddering with horror ? It finally appeals 
emphatically for aid and support to the reverend clergy and sincere profes- 
sors of our holy religion. If the project did not look beyond the happiness 
of the two races now in America, it would be entitled to their warmest en- 
couragement. If it were confined to the removal only of tlie free colored 
population, it would deserve all their patronage. Within those restrictions 
how greatly would it not contribute to promote the cause of virtue and mo- 
rality, and consequently religion ! But it presents a much more extensive 
field — a field only limited by the confines of one of the largest quarters of the 
habitable globe — for religious and benevolent exertion. Throughout the en- 
tire existence of Christianity it has been a favorite object of its ardent dis- 
ciples and pious professors to diffuse its blessings by converting the heathen. 
This duty is enjoined by its own sacred precepts and prompted by considera- 
tions of humanity. All Christendom is more or less employed on this object, 
at this moment, in some part or other of the earth. But it must, in candour, 
be owned, that hitherto missionary efforts have not had a success corres- 
ponding, in extent, with the piety and benevolence of their aim, or with the 
amount of the means which have been applied. Some new and more effica- 
cious mode of accomplishing the beneficient purpose must be devised, which 
by concentrating energies and endeavours, and avoiding loss in their dif- 
fuse and uncombined application, shall ensure the attainment of more cheer- 
ing results. The American Colonization Society presents itself to the reli- 
gious world as uniting those great advantages. Almost all Africa is in a 
state of the deepest ignorance and barbarism, and addicted to idolatry and 
superstition. It is destitute of the blessings both of Christianity and civiliza- 
tion. The society, is an instrument which, under the guidance of providence, 
with public assistance, is competent to spread the lights of botli, throughout 
its vast dominions. And the means are as simple as the end is grand and 
magnificent. They are to deviate from the practice of previous missionary 
institutions, and employ as agents some of the very brethren of the heathen 
sought to be converted and brought within the pale of civilization. The So- 
ciety proposes to send, not one or two pious members of Christianity into a 
foreign land, among a different and perhaps a suspicious race, of another 
complexion, but to transport annually, for an indefinite number of years, in 
one view of its scheme, six thousand, in another, fifty-six thousand mission- 
aries, of the descendants of Africa itself, with the same interests, sympathies, 
and constitutions of the natives, to communicate the benefits of our religion 
and of the arts. And tliis colony of missionaries, is to operate not alone by 
preaching the doctrines of truth and of revelation, which however delightful 
to the ears of the faithful and intelligent, are not always comprehended by 
untutored savages, but also by works of occular demonstration. It will open 
forests, build towns, erect temples of public worship, and practically exhibit 



(45) 

to the native sons of Africa the beautiful moral spectacle and the superior ad- 
vantages of our religious and social systems. In this unexaggerated view of 
the subject, the colony, compared with otlier missionary plans, presents the 
force and grandeur of a noble steamer majestically ascending, and with ease 
subduing, Ihe current of the Mississippi, in comparison with the feeble and 
tottering canoe, moving slowly among the reeds that fringe its shores. It 
holds up the image of the resistless power of the Mississippi itself, rushing 
from the summits of the Rocky Mountains and marking its deep and broad 
and rapid course through the heart of this continent, thousands of miles, to 
the Gulph of Mexico, in comparison with that of an obscure rivulet winding 
its undiscernible way through dark and dense forests or luxurient prairies, 
in which it is quickly and forever lost. 

Gentlemen of the Colonization Society of Kentucky ! not one word need 
be added, in conclusion, to animate your perseverance or to stimulate your 
labors, in the humane cause which you have deliberately espoused. We 
have reason to believe that we have been hitherto favored, and shall con- 
tinue to be blessed, with the smiles of Providence. Confiding in his appro- 
ving judgment and conscious of the benevolence and purity of our intentions, 
we may fearlessly advance in our great work. And, when we shall, as soon 
we must, be translated from this into another form of existence, is the hope 
presumptuous, that we shall there behold the common Father of whites and 
of blacks, the great Ruler of the universe, cast his all seeing eye upon civi- 
lized and regenerated Africa, its cultivated fields, its coast studded with 
numerous cities, adorned with towering temples, dedicated to the pure reli- 
gion of his redeeming Son, its far-famed Niger, and other great rivers, lined 
with flourishing villages, and navigated with that wonderful power which 
American genius first successfully applied ; and that, after dwelling with sa- 
tisfaction upon the glorious spectacle, he will deign to look with approbation 
upon us, His humble instruments, who have contributed to produce it i 



PHILADELPHIA CONTRIBUTORS. 



SUBSCRIPTIOJVS. 

Allen, Solomon (payable in 10 annual instalments,) $1000 

Carey, Mathevv ditto. 1000 

Cresson, Elliott ditto. 1000 

Ralston, Robert ditto. 1000 



Brown, J. A. 




ditto. 


300 


Gumbes, Rebecca 


ditto. 


200 


Hudson Edward 


ditto. 


200 


Fisher, Thomas 


ditto. 


50 


DONATIONS, 




M'Kensle, estate of Wm. 


8500[Burt, Nathaniel 


$30 


Sansom, Beulah 


500 Biddle, Thomas 


30 




Cresson, Sarah Emlen 


30 


Burd, Edward 


200 Dickson, James N. 


30 


Short, William 


200 Dawson, Mordecai L. 


30 




Harvey, Isaac 


30 


Brown, Joseph D. 


120 Hilyard, Abraham 


30 




Janeway, J. J. 


30 


*' Donor," 


100 Johnston, A. W. 


30 


Dugan, Joseph 


100 Langstroth, C. S. 


30 


Seybert, Henry 


100 Lady, A 


30 


Stevenson, William 


100 Symington, A. 


30 






Taylor, Benjamin 


30 


Fassit, Thomas 


60 


Warder William S. 


30 


Chauncey, Charles 


50 


Baker, Charles H. 


25 


Dawson, Josiah 


50 


James, Thomas C. 


25 


Elliot, John 


50 


Johnson, Jane 


25 


Guest, Eliz. and Anna 


50 


Steel, Robert 


25 


Grandom, Hart 


50 






Hemphill, Joseph 


50 


Astley, Thomas 


20 


Lady, A 


50 


Ashhurst, Richard 


20 


Siemen, Paul 


50 


Alexander, Richard D. 
Ipswich, England,) 


(of 

20 



(48) 



Bryan, Thomas J. $20 

Brugiere and Teissiere, 20 

Bennett, Titus 20 

Butler, Thomas 20 
Carswell Mrs. and Dr. Ely, 20 

Dickinson, Sally N. 20 

Grigg, John 20 

Hanse, Conrad 20 

Kimber and Sharpless 20 

Kuhl, Henry 20 

Lex, Jacob 20 

Mitchell, J. K. 20 

Norris, William, junr. 20 

Read, Alexander 20 

Richards, Benjamin W. 20 

Richards, Samuel 20 

Rockhill, Thomas C. 20 

Stevenson, Cornelius 20 

Smith, J. Browne 20 

Stryker, J. B. 20 

Tevis, Joshua 20 

Vaux, Roberts 20 

Van der Kemp, J. J. 20 

Wistar, Bartholomew 20 

White, Bishop 20 

Warder, John H. 20 

Wood, Thomas 20 

Wood, Joseph 20 

Wheeler, Enoch 20 

Yarnall, Ellis 20 



Preston, Jonas 


S14 


Boyd, William 


10 


Cunningham, Eliz. 


10 


English Stranger, 


10 


Earp, Thomas 


10 


Grimke, Sarah M. 


10 


Hartshorne, Joseph 


10 


Lex, Charles 


10 


Lewis, William D. 


10 


Loyd, Thomas, junr. 


10 


Loyd, Isaac S. 


10 


M'llvaine, Richard 


10 


Neff, John R. 


10 


Perot, Elliston 


10 


Riston, George 


10 


Richards, George W. 


10 


Roland, AVilliam 


10 


Shewell, Thomas 


10 


Steinhauer, D. 


10 


Warder, Benjamin H. 


10 


Warder, Jeremiah 


10 


Watres, Eliz. 


10 


Yarnall, Charles 


10 


Donations of $5 and un 


. 


der, 


$153 50 


West Chester AuxiUa- 




ry Society, 


113 00 




.**^.c»^**.^^ ^o^y'J^.% ^'S^.o"/.^*.^^. 

^, /\ '•^•' **% '•^.' /\ -.c^.. 


















-ittti-<p e 















%<> ^ 












"^ ^ "^ '^ *lJ?5i^-^ -J'^ '•*€.*J'• 



